Some readers may have seen a 2015 post on this site called “This is how autogynephiles kill women.” In that post, we find the story of “Devin Payne,” a man from Kansas with the intensely narcissistic fantasy that he is really a “woman.” This guy brought his wife and four children out to southern California so that he could flounce around “en femme” as a “transgender woman.” Soon after this move, Devin’s wife “dies of alcoholism” and Devin seeks fame as a transgender activist. Various fauning articles about Devin never once mention the deceased wife’s name.
New information came today. I received three comments (from one person) on that 2015 post. Some of the information can be verified. Some information can’t be verified at all and may be totally false.
“Devin Payne” (real name Derek Brandon Wimmer; alias “Devin Elizabeth” Wimmer) was apparently charged in the past couple of years with a violation of the California Penal Code 288(c)(1), LEWD OR LASCIVIOUS ACTS WITH A CHILD 14 OR 15 YEARS OF AGE AND OFFENDER 10 OR MORE YEARS OLDER THAN VICTIM. Unclear at the moment whether he was convicted. MUCH more about this below, including information about a conviction in Missouri for child molestation.
SPECULATIVE: I present these unverified claims merely as the theory of an anonymous person who posted them here as a comment. This person’s IP address was based in the UK. It would not legally be wise for me to post the actual comment, so I will paraphrase it broadly. I should mention first that according to the anonymous commenter, the “nameless” wife’s name was Patricia.
According to this commenter: Patricia was vehemently opposed to Derek’s “transition.” Derek and a friend (who had a stereotypic female name and also a stereotypic female alias name) intentionally gave Patricia lots and lots of booze, which precipitated her liver failure. The commenter says that Derek’s son, who was “forced to be a caregiver to the dying mother,” has stated this. The commenter says that Derek “silenced” the son by getting him a prescription for Seroquel, a terrible drug used for serious mental illness. The commenter says that Derek and his friend “planned” Patricia’s death so they could be together. The commenter provides a street name in Tucson, Arizona where the two are said now to live (and where other sources suggest that Derek lives on, or did live on, a street with that name).
The above paraphrase is just the unsolicited theory of a random anonymous person from somewhere (possibly the UK) on the internet. It may have truth in it or it may be utterly fictional and false. I make no assertion whatever for its veracity.
A final cryptic remark from this commenter: “I would have never written this if i had been treated FAIRLY!”
As I mention above, the commenter also provides us with evidence of Derek’s California criminal record, under an alias. It comes in the form of a page on “mugshots.com.” While the picture is clearly of the same “Devin Payne,” we learn his real name of Derek Brandon Wimmer and his alias of “Devin Elizabeth” Wimmer. We do not learn whether Derek was actually convicted of child molestation in California; there are no dates listed or sentence reported. He is apparently not listed under his real name or known aliases in sex offender registries, although the mugshots.com page says that data came from such a registry. Superior Court records for Riverside County (where Palm Springs is located) show nothing of interest. It’s pretty mysterious. I don’t know exactly how the law works in this regard. I don’t understand why Derek would have this “mugshots.com” page if he wasn’t convicted. [edit: I see now that that they post mugshots whether people are convicted or not.]
So I did some additional research. It seems that Derek was convicted of second degree child molestation in Missouri. He lived in Liberty, Missouri, a suburb of Kansas City; less than an hour’s drive from where he grew up in Olathe, Kansas. Derek was charged with that crime (a violation of Missouri criminal code 566.068) on June 1, 2012. While violation of that code is currently a felony in Missouri, Derek was charged under the 2000 version of the law, in which it was a misdemeanor. This might mean that he committed the offense before the current law came into effect; but after 2000. Derek plead guilty to that crime on August 6, 2014. It looks as though he was sentenced to “one year,” but given what we have seen of his subsequent glamorous activities that was likely one year probation. The picture below spells out the former and current versions of the code.
I could not find Derek in the sex offender registries of California, Arizona or Missouri. Are men convicted of misdemeanor child molestation exempt from registration? What about this new California case? Why does Riverside County have no information about it? Can offenders with “nonviolent” (sic) offenses have them removed from the registry? Even the “background check” report (left) says they got their data from a sex offender registry. What happened?
I don’t know much about criminal law but Derek likely needed to register in Palm Springs as a sex offender; maybe in order to do that the California authorities had to “charge” him with a crime that was sort of parallel or analogous to the Missouri crime. He was convicted in Missouri under the old misdemeanor version, but California has no misdemeanor version. So perhaps Derek was “charged” in California but not prosecuted. This actually seems rather far-fetched. Perhaps someone with better access to legal databases can find out the story.
It seems that Derek’s move with his family to California came very shortly after his arrest in Missouri for child molestation. He apparently thought he could just disappear and leave his troubles behind. Who was the child?
RIP Patricia, if that was indeed her name; just RIP. Hope the kids are well and somewhere safe.
It looks as though Derek was initially charged with first degree felony child molestation (Missouri Statute Section 566.067.1) on July 1, 2011. Disposition of that case is described as “Not disposed,” which may mean that charges were dropped. Possibly, it would have been difficult to prove that case for some reason. Anyway, Derek was charged less than a year later with second degree molestation.
Desperate, depraved autogynephiles and their enablers at Facebook could not tolerate free speech about their delusion. I have “appealed,” but would be very surprised if they restored the page.
To give some context: A high proportion of men who insist (against all biological reality and common sense) that they are somehow “women” are computer engineers of one sort or another. Many social media web sites (Facebook, Twitter and many others) are based in the San Francisco Bay Area, a region so extremely “progressive” that if you voiced any small doubts about whether male transgenderists are truly “women,” it’s quite possible you would be physically attacked, fired from your job and disowned by your family and friends. And of course, male transgenderist computer engineers play important roles in many of these companies.
As a side note, I would bet that in the United States, there are more male-to-fake-“female” fantasists working in computer engineering than in any other field. A few well-known examples:
No matter what you call it, transvestism, transgenderism, transsexualism, etc.; and no matter the “stage” at which / on which this sex role stereotyping is performed, this very interesting book by Richard F. Docter shows that in males it is part of a definable trajectory, a clinical course. Docter’s book was published when Blanchard’s research on autogynephilia was still in its early stages, but in my quick review it seems generally to complement his findings.
It is really quite a good analysis of “what makes these men tick.” One of the key points is that for most jocks-in-frocks, a “female gender identity” only develops after years or decades of sexualized cross-dressing. In other words, the notion of “innate gender identity” is a lie. We already knew this (because it is totally obvious) but here is some additional documentation.
The book is a bit “dated” (1988) and its several nomenclatures distinguishing various “types” of men who attempt to make people think they are women may seem old-fashioned. The tone of the research likely supports sex role stereotypes and may offend modern sensibilities.
As with Blanchard’s, Lawrence’s and Bailey’s work, Docter’s approach is more or less sympathetic to these men. Consistent with the other authors, however, he is honestly trying to understand what is going on in these men’s minds and what kinds of behaviors they manifest. He is not promoting their game-plan for a hostile take-over of women’s bodies and women’s spaces — which is what the vast majority of current researchers in male transgenderism are doing.
Transgender activists, especially the female impersonators, obsess about being addressed with the “right pronouns.” Language-policing is almost as important to the bros-in-bras as being allowed to traipse freely through women’s restrooms and other protected spaces. Distracted by politically-correct guilt-tripping about these so-called “human rights issues,” many normal people’s critical thinking shuts down and they lose sight of plain reality: The fact is that these are men with serious mental health problems. Just like these guys:
This is a solid batch of evidence to show to trans cult “allies” and other useful idiots who say that male transgenderists are merely sane, harmless, gentle souls who should be allowed to indulge their “identities” by obsessively invading women’s restrooms, locker rooms, shelters and other spaces where men shouldn’t go. Science shows that male-to-fake-female transgenderists maintain a male pattern of criminality, even after getting their balls cut off and penises inverted; their rate of violent crime convictions is 18 times higher than that of women. Should women regard these narcissistic, delusional cocks-in-frocks as though they were just “ordinary gals”, safe to be alone with, safe to let look after children etc.? Hell no! Should “non-discrimination laws” and “bathroom ordinances” be put into effect so that these characters can traipse freely through women’s restrooms and other such spaces? Of course not. That would be be really stupid and dangerous.
I didn’t write this but it’s very good. References are below the article.
1. The story of biological male sexual predators who used nondiscrimination laws protecting gender identity to sexually assault women.
Christopher Hambrook pretended to be transgender to gain access to two different women’s shelters. He sexually assaulted a woman in each one.
Pursuant to a Canadian sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI) law, Hambrook used women’s attire to gain access to two women’s shelters in Toronto in January and February of 2012. Both times, he claimed to be a transgendered woman named Jessica. But he wasn’t. He was a dangerous sexual predator. Once accepted inside the women’s shelters as a resident, he sexually assaulted a woman in each of the shelters. One of the women was already a survivor of domestic violence. The other is deaf and homeless. Both were victimized and assaulted by Hambrook, who is not “transgender” but a sexual predator who, according to prosecutors, “simply cannot control his deviant sexual urges.” One of the victims awoke to find that her tights had been pulled down and her undergarment had been pulled to the side. Hambrook was assaulting her. She screamed. He giggled. The other woman Hambrook assaulted described how he grabbed her hand and placed it on his crotch, where she could feel his erect penis. She also testified that she caught Hambrook peering at her through a gap in the door while she showered.
Remember: these events took place in a women’s shelter, where women are supposed to be safe and protected. Because of a SOGI, these women were anything but that.
Canadian law will not allow the release of the names of the women that Hambrook assaulted. But they are real people, who were really violated because of a law just like the proposed SOGI. Their story deserves to be heard. Their story should never be repeated.
Hambrook has a history of assaulting women and girls. In the past, he served time for sexually abusing a 5 year old girl and for raping a 27 year old woman. And a SOGI made it easy for him to target and violate his latest victims, allowing this predator easy access to his targets.
Noel Crompton Hall is a prisoner in an Australian prison. He was sentenced to 22 years for the 1987 murder of a hitchhiker. Once in prison, Hall began claiming to be a woman. He demanded to be transferred to the women’s jail. The Australian authorities agreed that Hall was now a woman and moved him to the women’s prison in August 1999. Hall quickly gained a reputation as a sexual predator. He was only in the women’s prison three months but was charged with raping his cellmate. Numerous other female prisoners accused him of additional sexual assaults. He may even have impregnated one of the women prisoners.
2. The story of known sexual predators who assaulted women and girls, but now claim to be transgender and want access to the women’s facilities.
Paul Witherspoon is a biological male who was convicted in 1990 for sexually assaulting one teenage girl and indecency involving sexual contact with another teenage girl. He is a registered sex offender. In 2012, however, Witherspoon was spotted wearing women’s clothing going into the women’s bathroom in Dallas, where he would have access to young girls. He was ticketed by a Dallas policeman. But Witherspoon claims to be “transgender,” and says that he has every right to use the bathroom with women and girls. He says that it is discriminatory to deny him the right to use the women’s facilities.
Lambda Legal, which advocates for special rights for those engaging in homosexual behavior, agrees with him. To Witherspoon and Lambda Legal, it does not matter that he is a registered child sex offender who has abused young girls—because he now expresses himself as a woman, he should be able to freely enter the women’s restroom. Even more infuriating, Witherspoon—who was sentenced to 16 years for sexual assault and six years for indecency—is still on parole. But he says that he is the one being discriminated against because some do not want him to be able to go into the women’s restroom, where young girls are in various states of undress and “available” to him.
Even if Paul Witherspoon really does now identify as female, that by itself does not mean that he would not assault women or girls if he has a predilection for doing so. Many men who identify as female have done so. And Witherspoon is not the only pedophile to decide to be transgender. Matthew Harks, of Calgary, Canada, has a strong preference for girls ages 5 to 8. He claimed that he had victimized some 60 girls and committed some 200 offenses with them. But he was convicted of sexual assault against only one—a 7 year old girl in British Columbia. He is on probation now, and in 2012 he changed his name to Madilyn, announcing that he was a transgendered woman. Harks would be able to go into any public women’s facility—even if little girls were inside—in any community with a nondiscrimination ordinance that prohibits segregating public bathrooms according to biological sex.
Richard J. Masbruch today identifies as transgendered. But in 1991, Masbruch brutally attacked the female manager of an apartment complex. He pulled a gun on her, hogtied her, and blindfolded her. Then he used a makeshift electrical device to deliver painful electrical shocks up and down her leg as well as to her arm, warning her that this was an example of how badly he could hurt her. Masbruch then unzipped the woman’s pants and vaginally raped her. After that, he sodomized her. Masbruch was convicted of rape, sodomy, and torture, along with other counts, and was sentenced to two life terms in prison.
That might have been the end of the matter except that Masbruch decided he is transgender. It is not clear from any of the news articles, nor from the court opinion, when Masbruch decided he was transgender. It might have been prior to his raping a woman. It might have been afterwards. Regardless, the State of California decided he is a woman, because he says he is transgendered. So California moved Masbruch to a prison for women and placed him with the female population. The female inmates, however, are terrified to have a male sexual predator, convicted of violent rape and sodomy, housed among them. And who can blame them? Should they have to be jailed with a biological male who committed a horrible rape?
3. The numerous stories of biological males, identifying as female and/or preferring to wear female clothing, who have sexually assaulted women and girls or otherwise sexually victimized them.
Many people wrongly think that there is no danger to women and girls from those biological males who wear women’s clothing. That simply is not true. There are numerous cases of males who identify as transgender females but who have been charged or convicted with raping women, as well as cases of transvestite (cross-dressing) men who have likewise been charged or convicted.
None of the examples listed below used a nondiscrimination ordinance to gain access to their victims. But they all wore women’s clothing when victimizing their victims. In fact, many male sexual predators, who prey on women and girls, enjoy wearing women’s clothing. And nondiscrimination ordinances protecting gender identity will give those who are like them easy access to women, teens, and young girls when they are most vulnerable. Consider the following:
Austin Christopher Wikels, from Dauphin County in central Pennsylvania, is a cross-dresser who regularly presents himself as “Gina Gessner.” In May 2014 he was accused of taking part in the sexual assault of a woman in her 20s. Wikels and the woman were in a hotel room together when a man and another woman arrived. The other woman had brought various BDSM items. When the victim saw these items, she apparently tried to flee the hotel room. She was forced down on a bed, stripped naked, and handcuffed to the headboard. The victim was then sexually assaulted, and then forced to perform a sex act on the other woman. During the attack, Wikels was wearing a padded bra and fluorescent-colored thong panty. He beat the victim with a wooden rod.
Paul Williams is a cross-dresser from Liverpool, England, who is on probation stemming from a plot to sexually assault a woman in 2006. As part of his probation, he is prohibited from associating with minors and having pictures of girls or women. During a search of his home, police found pictures of young girls in violation of the terms of his parole. In February 2014 he was sentenced to jail for violating parole, with the sentencing judge saying that Williams is “a sexual predator who is potentially a very dangerous individual.”
Senior Twitter engineer Dana McCallum, an advocate for transgender rights who identifies as a transgender woman and is transitioning to female, was arrested in January 2014 and charged with raping his wife after they filed for divorce. The charges against McCallum include three counts of spousal rape.
Christopher Todd Gard is a cross-dresser who, in September 2013, assaulted an 8 year old girl inside a bathroom at a convenience store in Oklahoma City. The little girl had to go to the bathroom. A family member walked her to the bathroom, and the little girl went in by herself. Unbeknownst to the family member or the girl, Gard was waiting inside. He locked the door. Gard was wearing nothing but women’s underwear. He grabbed the girl, put a shirt around her neck, and began choking her. She began screaming. The family member frantically tried to get into the bathroom but could not because the door was locked. An employee quickly opened the door with a key and the girl ran out. Gard followed, carrying a BB gun. He was subdued by the family and arrested by the police. Gard faces charges including aggravated assault and battery, assault with a dangerous weapon, kidnapping, indecent exposure and possession of a firearm during a felony.
Richard Boule is a transvestite from Marlborough, Massachusetts, who is accused of groping an 18 year old woman at a gas station in September 2013. Boule allegedly walked over to the young woman, pulled down his pants to reveal he was wearing woman’s thong underwear, and said “Let’s play.” He then allegedly reached down the front of the young woman’s skirt and groped her through her underwear.
Carl Dahn was arrested in August 2013 by police in Bergman, Arkansas for computer child pornography and internet stalking of a child. He had sent explicit messages to an undercover investigator, who Dahn believed to be a 14 year old girl. When the undercover officer arrived, Dahn was dressed in women’s clothing.
Tyler Holder is a cross-dressing biological teenage male who abducted, raped, and murdered a six year old girl in Dallas, Texas, in July 2013. After he raped little Alanna Gallagher, he wrapped her head in plastic bags and smothered her.
Donald Stuart was arrested in Effingham, Illinois, in May 2013 for child pornography. He had numerous images of young children on his computer, and it is believed that he traded images online. Stuart was also a cross-dresser.
Sean Gossman is a biological male who considers himself a transgendered woman and lives in Onsted, Michigan. In May 2013, he showed up in court for his arraignment on child pornography charges dressed in feminine attire complete with a wig, makeup, stuffed bra, and halter top. Those who know him relate that he dressed like that all the time. They say that he told them he hoped Michigan would pay for his sex change operation.
It is not a crime to be transgendered. It is a crime, however, to possess thousands of pictures and movies of children being sexually assaulted. And that is what Gossman is charged with. Some of the pictures depicted children being tortured. One picture was of a baby girl with a noose around her neck and a bag over her head. Some news outlets report the baby was dead.
Gossman’s attorney pled for leniency, stating that ““The idea of being placed in a male facility is somewhat frightening for Sean Gossman, as he has been taunted and made to feel like a freak by other inmates.” One can only imagine how terrifying it was for the children he victimized. 
Also in May 2013, police in Falls Church, Virginia, arrested Carlos Guillermo Suarez Diaz for sexually assaulting a 17 year old girl. Diaz was dressed as a woman when he approached the girl. He asked to take her picture, and she consented. Diaz then began touching the girl sexually. She told him to stop and he fled the scene.
GavinScott is a cross-dressing Australian who, in January 2013, sexually assaulted three female workers in clothing stores. The first victim was a 17 year old girl. He entered the store dressed as a woman, approached her, and asked for her help while trying on clothing. He asked her to assist him zipping dresses, which she did. But she began to be uncomfortable, and her intuition was correct: Scott pinched her on her bottom, then left the store. In another store, Scott crabbed a female employee’s bottom and said, “You have a nice bottom.” Sometime later he returned to that store and groped a female assistant’s bottom and groin. Scott ultimately pled guilty to sexually assaulting these women.
Dean Williams, a biological male who claims to be female, was accused in 2012 of luring a woman into a sex dungeon, pinning her down on a bed, and raping her. Williams, who goes by “Nadine,” admitted he had sexual intercourse with the woman but denied raping her. The woman had 49 distinct scratches and other injuries on her body. Williams admitted he caused some of the scratching on her body, including scratches on her left breast, but claimed everything that happened was consensual. A jury ultimately acquitted Williams of rape. Still, the fact that he had consensual sex with a woman, while claiming to identify as female, is troubling.
Mark Lazarus has been described as “an extremely dangerous cross- dressing sex attacker.” In 2012, he waited outside a public bathroom for over an hour until a 71 year old woman went inside. Lazarus followed her, grabbed her, and tried to rape her. She only escaped because she screamed and Lazarus panicked and fled. He was ultimately arrested and convicted of attempted rape and sentenced to jail. Sadly, he had also previously assaulted an 11 year old girl while wearing female clothing.
Aaron L. LaGrand posed as a woman for several years while gaining the trust of a Lisbon, Ohio family. Believing Aaron to be a woman, the parents invited him into their home to care for their four young children, ages 6 to 13. He used this opportunity to molest them. He was arrested in 2012, but the molestation occurred between 2004 and that year. It is not clear from the news articles whether Aaron actually identifies as transgender, but it seems likely. For many years he has lived as a woman and convinced everyone that he was a woman. He went by the name “Erin.”
In 2012, Steven Shepard, who identifies as a cross-dresser, attacked a woman in her apartment complex laundry room in Altamonte Springs, Florida, and tried to rape her. Thankfully, she was able to fight him off.
Also in 2012, Javier Cortez was arrested for raping and abusing a young girl in Temecula, California, for more than a decade. It was discovered that he had photographs of himself in the girl’s underwear and skirt. The victim was 13 when Cortez was arrested. He had forced her to touch his penis beginning when she was 3, and he sodomized her for the first time when she was 9.
Renell Thorpe is a cross-dressing biological male who allegedly broke into a woman’s home in Sacramento, California, in 2011. He restrained her, raped her, and tried on her clothing before fleeing. He was subsequently arrested.
Cross-dressing Russell Williams, a highly decorated Canadian Air Force colonel, was sentenced to life in prison in 2011 for 88 sex crimes including 2 counts of murder and 2 counts of sexual assault. After each of these crimes, he photographed himself in his victims’ underwear and bras. One victim who survived was subjected to a three and half hour sexual assault.
In 2011 in Canberra, Australia, a biological male wearing a blond shoulder-length wig, dress, bra, and high heels approached a 14 year old girl. He tried to remove her clothing. He had previously exposed himself to another teenager and committed a sexual act.
Qasim Anwar of Manchester, England, is a transvestite man who was convicted in 2010 of raping a female passenger in his taxi cab. He carried out the sexual assault while wearing make-up, a wig, women’s clothing and high heels. He also filmed the rape with his phone. Anwar was sentenced to five years in prison.
Also in 2010, cross-dresser GavinBoyd, who calls himself “Joyce,” was convicted in Scotland of murdering 20 year old Vikki McGrand. Boyd was afraid she would reveal that he was a cross-dresser, so he killed her. This was not Boyd’s first serious offense. In 1999, “Joyce” was sentenced to 20 years for sexually assaulting a 19 year old girl.
News accounts describe this sexual assault as “terrifying,” and say that the attack left the teen girl permanently disfigured.
Gordon Murray Waite, a cross-dresser, was convicted in 2010 of raping a woman in Rotorua, New Zealand. This was not a stranger- rape; she was his sexual partner. But on this occasion, he overpowered her and raped her.
In 2009, cross-dresser Phillip John Ortega was arrested for exposing himself to a woman. Ortega was dressed at the time in a women’s pink one-piece swimming suit, a sweater, and make-up. He approached the woman, pulled out his genitals, and said, “Look at this.” In 2008, this cross-dressing biological male was convicted of kidnapping a 12 year old girl.
The English prisoner, known only as “A,” is serving a life sentence for the manslaughter of his boyfriend and the attempted rape of a woman. He tied the woman up with a suspender belt, took her into a back room, and tried—but failed—to rape her. At the time, he was already identifying as a transgendered woman. Amazingly—despite this attempted rape of a woman—a judge ruled that housing “A” in a male prison was a violation of his human rights, and ordered him transferred to a female prison.
WesleyFrancis Cox, of Boulder, Colorado, is a transvestite voyeur. He was arrested in 2008 after he was caught peeping at, and videotaping, a Boulder couple having sexual intercourse inside their home. He had videos not only of that couple, but also of three women getting dressed or stepping out of showers. Cox also filmed himself in the bedrooms of two women, sexually gratifying himself with their garments. When Cox was arrested, he was wearing a woman’s bra.
According to the police, Cox would break into women’s homes, steal their underwear, then return and videotape the women. Police recovered numerous women’s undergarments from Cox’s house, including about 10 pieces from Boulder High School cheerleader outfits.
In 2008, a petite 24 year old woman living in Beaverton, Oregon, got out of her shower, wrapped herself in a towel, and sat down on her bed to apply lotion to her legs. She soon became aware that a man was standing in her closet looking at her. Eric Triton Kincaid was dressed in a lacy negligee with fishnet stockings open at the crotch. He also wore a miniskirt, sheer blouse and long wig. The woman thought she was about to be raped. She screamed and Kincaid ran out of her apartment.
Kincaid was charged with first-degree sexual abuse. At trial, he admitted to being in the woman’s apartment but said he had been invited by another woman to come to her apartment for sex. He was high on meth, which had him confused, and it was only when he saw the half-naked 24 year old woman that he realized she was the wrong woman and he must be in the wrong apartment. The jury believed him and acquitted him of all charges, taking this for an honest mistake. It must have been a very frightening mistake for the 24 year old woman.
In 2006, Joseph Greenquist, of Londonberry, New Hampshire, allegedly broke into college women’s apartments on the University of New Hampshire campus. Once inside, he would steal their underwear. Only one time, he did more. He saw a young college coed sleeping in her bed. Greenquist allegedly climbed on top of her and attempted to assault her. When he was arrested a short time later, Greenquist was wearing nothing but a pair of women’s underwear.
Marcus Hance was a 32 year old cross-dresser when, in 2000, he assembled a “rape kit” to help him subdue and rape a 21 year old female student. His kit included a knife, mask, gloves, tights to tie up and gag the young woman, and condoms. Hance hid along a pathway near Exeter University where he knew women student often walked alone. He grabbed his victim as she was walking home from classes. She screamed, however, and a passing teacher ran to her aid. Hance tried to escape but was apprehended, wearing women’s clothing, and sentenced to 10 years in prison.
In 1984, a male transvestite prisoner in a prison in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, allegedly raped a female prisoner while she was taking a shower. According to the woman, a man dressed like a woman, with “some feminine features,” entered the shower with her, held a sharp object to her neck, and raped her. It was not clear why the biological male was in the women’s unit of the prison.
As these examples demonstrate, the fact that a biological male identifies as female does not mean he cannot harm women and children, including sexually assaulting them. While most do not, some do. In addition to the examples already cited, there are many other examples of biological males who identify as female, or who are cross-dressers, raping, sexually assaulting, or otherwise injuring women and girls.
In addition to sexual violence, some men wearing women’s clothing have murdered and physically assaulted women. For instance, police in Hawaii believe that Vernon Baker, a transgender, transvestite, or cross-dressing man, may have murdered Mary Beth San Juan in 2013. Prior to Baker’s arrest, the best lead was a surveillance video that captured a man in a dress and high heels using the murdered woman’s ATM card. Baker appears to be the man in the video.
In December 2012, John Maatsch, a Fort Myers, Florida man, broke into a Tracey Marazzi’s home and began stabbing her as she slept. He punctured her lung, but she fought back and he fled. The victim did not know Maatsch. When Maatsch was arrested, he was wearing women’s clothing. There is no known motive for the attack.
In November 2012, transvestite or cross-dresser Kristopher Lawless was charged in Bakersfield, California, with attempted murder and torture, among other things, for beating his girlfriend unconscious, tying her up, and keeping her captive for days against her will. Lawless had been arrested in June of 2012 by an anti- prostitution task force. He was dressed as a woman, with makeup, a black and red lace top, black lace women’s underwear, earrings, necklaces, and knee-high boots. He offered to perform a sex act on the policeman.
Allowing biological males into women’s bathrooms, shower rooms and locker rooms places women and children in danger, even if the biological males are wearing women’s clothing.
4. Stories of biological male voyeurs who dressed as women to gain access to women’s facilities, where they leered at, photographed, and/or videotaped unsuspecting women and girls.
Jason Pomare pretended to be transgender to gain access to women’s bathrooms and record hours of video of women and girls using the toilet. Pomare was a 33 year old voyeur when, in 2013, he victimized women in Los Angeles. He donned bra, wig and female clothing to gain access to a women’s bathroom at a Los Angeles Macy’s Department Store so he could secretly video-record the women and girls inside. He had a video camera in a bag, which he slid underneath stalls in order to secretly video-record women and girls as they were using the toilet. When he was caught, he had hours of video of women and girls he recorded by pointing his camera under restroom stalls. Who knows whether he had made other, previous recordings that we do not know about? Who knows how many women and girls were victimized?
In 2013, Rodney Kenneth Petersen was arrested for dressing as a woman to enter a woman’s dormitory and take pictures of the coeds at Loma Linda University in California. An investigation revealed that Peterson had previously dressed as a woman and entered other female-only facilities, trying to take photos of women and girls with a cell phone he had hidden in his purse.
In 2012, Taylor J. Buehler was arrested in Everett, Washington for voyeurism. He donned a bra and wig to appear as a woman so he could go into the women’s bathroom at Everett Community College. Only, he is not transgender; and, he is sexually attracted to women. Once inside the bathroom, he began leering at the two women who were using the facilities. After his arrest, he admitted that he had previously taken a shower in a girls’ locker room for “sexual gratification.” Buehler was convicted of voyeurism.
In 2011, Joel Hardman, a postgraduate student at the University of Birmingham in England, disguised himself with a women’s rubber mask and wig in order to gain access to women’s restrooms, where he spied on women using the toilets. After being arrested, he explained that he got sexual gratification from listening to women using toilets. While in the bathrooms, he not only listened—he also made audio recordings of the women urinating. And he admitted to, on at least one occasion, “performing a sex act” while listening to the women. He also took pictures of women’s feet under the stall doors with his phone.
Also in 2011, transgender Thomas Lee Benson, a convictedsexoffender for having sexual contact with a minor girl, dressed as a woman so he could go into the women’s locker room at a swimming pool in North Clackamas, Oregon. There were young girls present in the locker room changing into their swimsuits while Benson was inside. Previously, Benson had dressed as a woman to enter a women’s dressing room at a pool in Portland, Oregon. Young girls where changing into their swimsuits in that dressing room, too.
Benson says that he now wants to live life as a woman and he is not a threat to girls. The spokesman for the Clackamas County Sheriff’s Office disagrees. He had this to say about Benson:
Mr. Benson has been known to dress as a female to gain access to undressed minor females by frequenting restrooms, dressing rooms, changing rooms, aquatic centers and pool locker rooms. Mr. Benson has been known to use money, candy and threats to gain access to his victims.
According to the University of California at Berkeley police department, a man dressed as a woman was spotted peeping at women and photographing them in a UC Berkeley locker room. During the fall semester of 2010, he was spotted on numerous occasions, dressed in women’s attire, peeping at women as they changed clothes in a locker room and photographing them in locker rooms and bathrooms. He used his cell phone to snap pictures of the unsuspecting coeds.
In 2003, Eichi Yamamoto of Matsuyama, Japan, was charged with dressing as a woman so he could enter public bath houses in order to see naked women. When he entered the bath houses, Yamamoto would wear a wig, blouse, skirt, bra, and lipstick. He told investigators, “I wanted to see women naked. Dressing up as a woman was a step to do that.” Once inside the bath houses,
Yamamoto would stare at the naked women as they soaked in the water.
5. Stories of biological males wearing women’s clothing exposing themselves to women and girls.
A high school swim team was subjected to a 45 year old biological male who identifies as a transgender woman sprawling naked in their locker room, exposing his genitals to them. Because of a SOGI, Washington’s Evergreen State College has allowed a 45 year old anatomical male who calls himself Colleen Francis to use its women’s restrooms and locker rooms. The college shares its swimming pool and adjacent locker rooms with the local high school and a children’s swim club. On several occasions in 2012, Francis exposed his genitalia to young girls—some as young as six—in the locker room. The mother of a 17 year old girl even filed a police report detailing what her daughter saw. A swim coach also filed a police report. She described seeing Francis sitting in the sauna with his legs open and his genitalia plainly exposed. Despite numerous complaints and the police reports, Evergreen State College continues to let Francis use the women’s facilities. Their spokesperson has said that they must “protect the rights of everyone.”
This leads to the obvious question: what about the rights of the girls who use these locker rooms? Do their rights not matter? Do they not have the right not to have to be exposed to an exhibitionist biological male in the locker room supposedly for females?
In 2013, a man who dresses in high heels, stockings, and women’s underwear exposed himself at least 11 times in Leicester, Great Britain. On one occasion, he chased two terrified teenage girls before exposing himself to them.
In 2012, a man dressed as a woman approached several children playing near their apartment complex in Thousand Oaks, California. He began talking to them and then exposed himself to them. He was described as wearing a skirt, women’s underwear, and fishnet stockings.
In 2010, Norwood Smith Burnes of Rome, Georgia, wore a short skirt and jacket, thong underwear, and high heels to Walmart. He allegedly undressed in the store in front of young girls.
This research could never be published today. It would be seen as extremely “transphobic.” It was actually published in first issue of the “International Journal of Transgenderism” in 1997. It’s just a small cohort study (n=20) but I’ll tell you what, it’s way more solid than any evidence brought forward to date by pro-transgenderism researchers for the existence of an innate “gender identity.” The article is not available in PDF and I’m surprised it is even still up on the journal’s rinky-dink web site. I have added emphases here & there throughout the article. Edit: I just noticed that Stop Trans Chauvinism recently posted this article too!
Hartmann U, Becker H, Rueffer-Hesse C (1997) Self and Gender: Narcissistic Pathology and Personality Factors in Gender Dysphoric Patients. Preliminary Results of a Prospective Study. International Journal of Transgenderism, Volume 1, Number 1, July – September 1997.
Abstract: This paper presents preliminary results concerning the relationship of self and gender in patients requesting or seriously considering sex change. Specific attention is paid on pathological features in regulatory processes of the self-system as well as on personality factors associated with different types of gender disorders. Based on the results of retrospective analyses a prospective study was designed to identify subtypes of gender dysphoric patients based on a scrupulous psychiatric and psychpathological evaluation. The evaluation procedure consists of (i) clinical interviews, (ii) a structural interview according to concepts of Kernberg, and (iii) a set of self-developed and standardized questionnaires. The results indicate significant psychopathological aspects and narcissistic dysregulation in a substantial proportion of patients. Different subtypes of self-(dys)regulation seem to emerge which are discussed with special reference to differential diagnosis and prognostic factors.
Introduction: The two intriguing concepts of self and gender are of major importance for the field of gender dysphoria, but at the same time both are complex and controversial. In recent years, the clinical, etiological, and psychopathological diversity of gender dysphoric patients had to be increasingly recognized by professionals. Looking at the remarkably different gender and developmental backgrounds of individuals with gender problems, many – including DSM-IV – have done away with the term ‘transsexualism’ as a distinct diagnostic category. This nosological shift, however, should be accompanied by improvements in the precision of differential diagnoses and clinical subtyping allowing a better fine-tuning of clinical managment. Existing approaches have mainly been restricted to gender and sexual orientation variables whereas personality and psychopathological factors associated with gender disorders have rather been neglected.
Based on the results of a retrospective analysis of all patients that have consulted our gender dysphoria team at the psychiatric outpatient clinic of Hannover Medical School during a one-year period, a prospective study was designed to identify subtypes of gender dysphoric patients by means of a scrupulous psychiatric and psychological evaluation (Becker & Hartmann 1994). This contribution will concentrate on pathological features in the regulation of the self-system and on some associated personality factors. A number of preliminary empirical results of the first 25 consecutive patients of our prospective study will be presented with a special focus on the results of the psychometric instruments we have employed. Since the number of 5 biological females is too small for statistical comparisons,the data presented here only refer to biological males.
Our preliminary results indicate significant psychopathological aspects and narcissistic dysregulation in most of our gender dysphoric patients. Among biological males different subtypes of self-(dys-) regulation and corresponding MMPI-profiles seem to emerge. Results of the narcissism inventory indicate that of the 4 main dimensions (the threatened self, the traditional narcissistic self, the ideal self, the hypochondriac self) scales covering aspects of the ‘threatened self’ show the most significant deviations while a number of patients do not have a negative body-self. The implications of these results should be considered when thinking about differential diagnoses and prognostic factors.
Materials and Methods
Table 1:‘Components of evaluation procedure’
Thorough clinical interviews by different team members
Structural interview according to concepts of Kernberg
A set of self-developed and standardized psychometric questionnaires including the MMPI, 16PF, Rosenzweig PFT, Narcissism Inventory, and AGI and CGF by Blanchard.
The main components of our evaluation procedure are summarized in table 1. All patients were interviewed, usually independently by different team members. After that, all patients went through a structured interview – based on concepts of Kernberg (1984) for severe personality disorders – addressing relevant aspects of self-pathology, narcissistic regulation and object-relations. In addition, all patients were asked to fill out a set of both self developed and standardized questionnaires including the MMPI in its short version, the 16PF, the Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration-Study, the Narcissism Inventory (Deneke & Hilgenstock 1989), the Androphilia-Gynephilia-Index and the Cross-Gender-Fetishism scale, both designed by Blanchard (1985, 1989).
Table 2:‘Sociodemographic data’
Mean age (years)
The sociodemographic data show that the mean age of 30 years (range 17 – 45) does not differ in the androphilic and gynephilic groups, which will be compared in most of the following analyses. In the same way educational level and marital status are equal in both groups whereas the vocational situation of gynephilic patients is significantly worse.
Results The results of the other three standardized psychometric instruments will only be touched upon before concentrating on the ‘narcissism inventory’.
A quick look at the clinical scales of the MMPI shows that overall most scores are above the normal T-value-range of 40 to 60 indicating pronounced psychopathological features for the whole group of our patients. On the other hand, only the MF-scale has values above 70 which of course is no surprise in a sample like this, which also applies to the PD-scale. Looking at the two subgroups, one can see that the scores of the gynephilic patients are clearly higher for the so-called ‘neurotic trias’ of Hypochondria, Depression and Hysteria, the most valid scales of the German version of the MMPI. This suggests that the gynephilic patients of our sample have more neurotic symptoms, especially of the somatization and psychosomatic type and it also shows that emotional problems are expressed in a body language.
Scales of the ’16PF’
In the 16PF significant deviations from the normal range – which is marked by the two horizontal lines in figure 2 – can be found in the primary factors C, H, I, O and Q3. This suggests that our gender disordered patients have a significantly lower ego strength, are more emotionally disturbed and have problems in coping with disappointments.The markedly deviant scores in primary factor ‘I’ describe our patients as highly sensitive, with rich inner lives, but also as impatient, demanding, with high expectations and a tendency to avoid responsibilities. Primary factor ‘H’ indicates that the patients of our sample are low in their self-confidence and rather inihibited, cautious and socially introverted. Looking at the differences between our subgroups, one can see that they are of minor importance in this test. The only statistically significant differences or trends are in primary factors ‘L’ (F1,17 = 10.89; p < 0.01) and ‘Q3’ (F1,17 = 3.29; p = 0.08), suggesting that the androphilics have a more sceptical attitude towards other people, try to rely more on their own opinion and have a tendency to be disputatious and resentful. The gynephilics are more spontaneous and guided by momentary impulses and ideas without clearcut future conceptions.
Scales of the ‘PFT’
The Rosenzweig Picture-Frustration-Test is a well-known semiprojective instrument designed to measure the ways of coping with frustration and aggression. The six main categories of the PFT are depicted on figure 3. Again, the two lines mark the normal range between stanines 4 and 6. Figure 3 shows that for both the whole sample and the gynephilic subgroup all scores are well within the normal range while the androphilics do show some deviations. They are relatively low on category ‘Extrapunitivity’ and high on ‘Impunitivity’ suggesting a strong inclination to evade conflicts and to delude themselves about obstacles or the frustrational character of a given situation. Looking at the three reaction types one can see that androphilics are low on obstacle-dominance and very high on need-persistence which confirms the impression that their need-persistence i.e. their emotional pressure to reach a specific goal is so predominant that the obstacles encountered tend to be denied. The low scores on category ‘Extrapunitivity’ inidicate that their assertiveness, their ability to get their way in a constructive manner is below average. The gynephilic group is significantly lower in need-persistence (F1,16 = 3.87; p = 0.06) and higher in obstacle-dominance (F1,16 = 4.02; p = 0.06). Thus, compared to the androphilics they are well aware of the obstacles in their way and even tend to be blocked by them without feeling the intense urge for a quick solution.
The results of the Narcissism Inventory
The ‘Narcissism Inventory’ (NI) is a questionnaire developed at the Hamburg University Medical School in the 1980ies. It was designed to assess a number of theoretically and clinically relevant aspects of the organization and regulation of the narcissistic personality system. It consists of 163 items belonging to 18 scales which cover a wide range of different modes of narcissistic autoregulation. These 18 scales are grouped into 4 main dimensions according to the results of a factor analysis.
4 dimensions of the ‘Narcissism inventory’
These 4 dimenions are called the ‘threatened self’, the ‘classic narcissistic self’, the ‘idealistic self’ and the ‘hypochondriac self’. On figure 4 the results of these 4 dimensions are depicted for our sample. In interpreting the t-values it must be taken into account that we do not yet possess norms for a normal, non-clinical sample but only for a clinical sample consisting of individuals with diagnoses ranging from psychosomatic disorders and neurotic depression to narcissistic personality. Naturally, this circumstance erects narrow limits to an interpretation referring to the normal population. For the inspection of the scores in this diagram it implies that a t-score of 50 is average compared to a patient sample and scores above 50 can be viewed in our preliminary analysis as a clinically substantial finding.
Figure 4 shows that overall the highest scores can be found in the dimensions ‘the threatened self’ and ‘the idealistic self’, the first indicating a marked instability of the self-system with fluent transitions between an arduously maintained and a progressive decompensation. An analysis of the single scales of the ‘threatened self’ shows high scores in ‘derealization/depersonalisation’, ‘archaic retreat’ and – expectedly – ‘negative body image’. This dimension has significant correlations up to .7 to a number of MMPI-scales such as depression, psychopathic deviate, paranoia and psychasthenia and also to the 16PF-scales emotional disturbance and sensitivity. The value of the dimension ‘the idealistic self’ goes back to high scores in the scales ‘object-devaluation’ and ‘symbiotic self-protection’.
Looking once more at differences between the subgroups the diagram shows that androphilic patients are higher in ‘the threatened self’ and especially ‘the idealistic self’. Among the single scales statistically significant differences can be found in ‘derealisation/depersonalisation’ (F1,18 = 7.23; p < 0.05), ‘archaic retreat’ (F1,18 = 3.39; p = 0.08) and ‘symbiotic self-protection’ (F1,18 = 6.85; p < 0.05), all with higher scores for the androphilics. Gynephilic patients are higher (but not statistically significant) in the dimensions ‘the hypochondriac self’ and the ‘classic narcissistic self’ which is largely due to high scores in the scale ‘narcissistic rage’.
Subgroups of patients according to self-regulatory mechanisms
Using the 4 dimensions of the Narcissism Inventory we have performed a cluster analysis of our cases to see how this statistical procedure groups our patients and to compare this solution to our clinical impression. We have used the Ward algorithm and after a careful analysis of the cluster agglomeration schedule have decided for the 4-cluster-solution. The main features of these clusters were then determined by univariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The main cluster characteristics relating to narcissism are summarized in table 4. The number of cases is small, especially in clusters 3 and 4, allowing only a tentative interpretation but on the other hand all clusters have a good correspondence to our clinical opinion.
Table 3:‘Main characteristics of clusters’
Narcissistic pathology primarily in object relations.
Severe narcissistic pathology in all 4 dimensions of NI.
No narcissistic pathology.
Narcissistic pathology only in dimension ‘The hypochondriac self’.
No significant psychopathology.
Significant psychophatology and emotional disorders.
Marked social isolation and introversion.
Tendency for somatization.
Strong need-persistence, denial of obstacles.
Strong need-persistence, high impunitivity.
Obstacle-dominance high, ego-defense and need-persistence low.
The 9 cases combined in cluster 1 have high scores only in ‘the idealistic self’ which means they have a marked narcissistic pathology primarily in their object-relations. Their prevailing self-regulation patterns indicate that they have a profound fear of being disappointed and hurt by others. To protect themselves against this they tend to emphasize their autonomy and their moral superiority. There is a strong ambivalence between a longing for another person and impulses to avoid and escape any close relationship. The cases of cluster 1 also have a strong tendency to identify themselves with specific highly valued personal ideas, a self-regulation mode serving the purpose to stabilize and protect the self. As you can see from the second slide, they do not show significant psychopathology in the MMPI or 16PF, but in the PFT have a strong need-persistence and tend to deny any obstacles in their way.
The 5 cases grouped into the second cluster have by far the most significant psychopathology, emotional disorders and severe narcissistic dysregulation in all 4 dimensions. In these individuals their auto-regulation-modes are always on the edge of decompensation and the gender dysphoria appears as only one facet in a profoundly disturbed personality.
The two small clusters 3 and 4 differ from the larger clusters in a respectively particular manner. The cases in cluster 3 have no narcissistic and general psychopathology but are socially isolated and introverted, they feel socially unattractive and live more or less in disguise. They have a strong need-persistence, tend to play obstacles or frustrations down and hope that the desired sex change will turn their lives to the better.
The patients in cluster 4 do not seem to have a true gender dysphoria but rather a disturbed body-relation which is more of the hypochondriac, dysmorphophobic or somatization type. Accordingly, they do not reject their body and do not have a negative body-self in the NI. They feel easily blocked by conflicts or frustrations, which seem to be expressed in a body-language.
Conclusion: At this stage, the provisional status of our data only permits some few conclusions. The central findings of this questionnaire analysis support the view of a great heterogeneity of gender disordered males which not only extends to the already well known gender and sexuality variables but also to general personality pathology and especially the different modes of self-regulation. We could identify a significant narcissistic pathology in most of our patients, but the regulation-modes afflicted by this pathology differ widely. The cluster analysis has yielded an interesting and clinically reasonable subtyping of our patients with two larger subgroups of which one is marked by severe narcissistic and personality pathology where the gender dysphoria appears as only one facet in this profound pathology, as a rather desperate attempt at stabilizing a fragmented self.In the other larger cluster there is no substantial personality pathology, but one might speculate that the gender dysphoria is part of a deeper problem in object-relations, for which the transsexual wish probably serves as an imagined solution. The data analysis has indicated that the sexual orientation does account for some variance in our sample, but in a multivariate view it does not seem to be a significant predictor. Thus, by our preliminary analysis the notion that gynephilics have more substantial personality and gender pathology could not be confirmed. However, the complete analysis of our data including the developmental and biographic variables as well as the results of the structured interview appears to be promising and may change this impression.
In closing, the cumulative evidence of our study so far is consistent with the view that gender dysphoria is a disorder of the sense of self as has been proposed by Beitel (1985) or Pfäfflin (1993). The central problem in our patients is about identity and the self in general and the transsexual wish seems to be an attempt at reassuring and stabilizing the self-coherence which in turn can lead to a further destabilization if the self is already too fragile. In this view the body is instrumentalized to create a sense of identity and the splitting symbolized in the hiatus between the rejected body-self and other parts of the self is more between good and bad objects than between masculine and feminine. The results obtained so far confirm the conviction that we have to maintain a clinical perspective in the field of gender dysphoria and must continue to improve our understanding of this enigmatic and fascinating problems.
Becker H, Hartmann U. (1994): Geschlechtsidentitätsstörungen und die Notwendigkeit der klinischen Perspektive. Ein Beitrag aus der psychiatrischen Praxis. Fortschritte der Neurologie Psychiatrie 62: 290 – 305.
Kernberg O. (1984): Severe Personality Disorders. Yale University Press: New York.
Deneke FW, Hilgenstock, B. (1989): Das Narzißmus-Inventar. Huber:Bern.
Blanchard R. (1985); Research methodes for the typological study of gender disorders in males. In: Gender Dysphoria. Development, Research, Managment. Steiner, BW ed. Plenum: New York.
Blanchard R. (1989): The concept of autogynephilia and the typology of male gender dysphoria. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 177: 616 – 623.
Beitel A. (1985): The spectrum of gender identity disturbances. An intrapsychic model. In: Gender Dysphoria. Development, Research, Managment. Steiner, BW ed. Plenum: New York.
Pfäfflin F. (1993): Transsexualität. Beiträge zur Psychopathologie, Psychodynamik und zum Verlauf. Enke: Stuttgart 1993.
You have probably seen many news stories in recent years about young children who are supposedly “transgender” — little girls who want to have short hair and play with trucks; little boys who want to have long hair and play with dolls. Instead of just letting them do this, parents of such children these days coercively program them with the belief that they “really are” the other sex.
In other words, a shattered body and a whole life (though probably shortened) under close surveillance by the medical industry. The child’s parents then begin a publicity campaign with appearances on TV talk shows, magazine articles and YouTube videos.
Instead of reacting in a normal way to this blatant child abuse, i.e. with outrage and horror, the mainstream public has now been conditioned simply to smile and say how wonderful these parents and doctors are, how wonderful that science can now fix this “mistake.” Poor child, “born in the wrong body.”
The “Transgender Chicken Circuit”, for the uninformed, is a patchwork of media appearances, news and feature articles, talk shows, documentaries, convention and seminar appearances that savvy parents can weave together into a modest cottage industry of transgender child celebrity. Think of it as a Munchausen-marinated transgender version of “Toddlers and Tiaras” whose fans are aging cross-dressing male autogynephiles in possession of both a wistful longing for an unexperienced girlhood, and a generous disposable income. These men are the funders of the agencies and lobbying groups promoting the medicalization of childhood gender nonconformity. The best known example is billionaire financeer and lifelong closeted crossdresser (and father of three) James “Jennifer Natalya” Pritzker whose Tawani Foundation single-handedly funds the experimental pediatric transgender drug clinic at Children’s Hospital of Chicago.
The male transgenderites, aided and abetted by crooked physicians, activist “researchers,” pharmaceutical and psychiatric industry donors, “civil society,” government and the mass media, have, for the moment, been wildly successful with their plan. New “adorable” child victims are trotted out every week, their “brave” parents celebrated, their “courageous” doctors applauded.
“Gender identity” is still a crock of shit. Remember “phrenology”? Gender identity is a throw-back to phrenology. There is nothing going on in the brain that would make a male child want to replicate stereotypes of “femininity” in his appearance and behavior, or vice-versa. Children sometimes don’t conform to sex role stereotypes. It’s also important to consider the very strong likelihood that children’s parents are actually coaching them from a very early age to begin saying they are the opposite sex. These toddlers obviously don’t know any better, and such behaviors elicit smiles and praise from all the grown-ups — so they submit to this parental mind control.
In many of the videos presented of these children, it is easy to perceive a pedophilic subtext to the whole enterprise. Think of what is happening: The children are being manipulated to “change sex,” the dearest sexual fantasy of male autogynephiles pushing the “gender identity” lie.
There is a disturbing element of pedophilia exhibited by many “fans” of the “Transgender Chicken Circuit,” as evidenced by plentiful transgender adult male YouTube channels featuring dozens of videos of these children, creepy-ass fetishized “fan sites”, and expensive glossy coffee table photography books of the sort that would get Calvin Klein into trouble. Add the transgender pornography sites which track the children’s “progress” and it’s pretty clear that sexualizing these children is a large part of their marketability.
Beyond the overt pedophilia, and the marketing of a fetishized version of “girlhood” to adult male fantasists, the transgender movement “needs” to create transgender children (as activist Autumn Sandeen has explained) to “take the sex out” of the transgender equation whose most dominant practitioners are adult male sexual fetishists. But perhaps the most important reason to impose transgender labels onto children is to publicize a “born this way” narrative like the one the gay liberation movement used to pacify critics.
Narcissistic parents who pimp out their children as “transgender” have a form of Munchausen syndrome by proxy (MSP). Some may just be extremely stupid, but I think most are well aware of what they’re doing.
a child’s illness is fictitious or induced by a caregiver;
interaction with the health care system results in multiple medical tests and procedures;
denial by the caregiver as to the real cause of the child’s illness; and
symptoms abate following separation of the child from the caregiver.
These characteristics are found in most forms of child abuse.
Sounds accurate so far. There are different sub-types of MSP. Here’s one:
Factitious Disorder by Proxy
A psychiatric diagnosis in the perpetrating caregiver who falsifies or fabricates the child’s signs and symptoms to meet an underlying, self-serving psychological need to have or be associated with a chronically or seriously ill child, is diagnosed with factitious disorder by proxy (FDP). The emphasis is on the pathology of the adult.
That sounds right too.
Let’s look at the question in a different way, for a moment. What do we actually know about the psychopathology of parents who pimp out their “trans kids”? As early as 1991, Susan Coates and Sonia Marantz found that in mothers of boys with supposed “gender identity disorder,” more than half met diagnostic criteria for borderline personality disorder — they themselves had profound and psychotic problems with their “identities.” Only 6% of mothers of normal boys met the criteria. A much larger proportion of the “gender identity” mothers were also clinically depressed. This type of research is no longer permitted — it’s “transphobic.” You might as well say you wanted to replicate some of Dr. Mengele’s “experiments.”
But even putting aside any “psychiatric diagnoses” — and just looking at what they do — their publicity-seeking and extreme willingness to push their children into massive harms and multilations — it’s obvious that if they aren’t just totally stupid, these parents are completely disturbed and spiritually bankrupt individuals.
And now let’s look at the doctor’s role in perpetrating medical child abuse.
What makes MSP a unique form of child abuse is the active role health care professionals play in the initiation and perpetuation of the syndrome.
True enough. In the most “charitable” view, these poor doctors are also victims, guilty only of a failure to think critically.
However, that’s bullshit. One of a physician’s most important skills is a refined ability to figure out what’s really happening (i.e. differential diagnosis). There are so many other possibilities to explain why a boy may insist he’s a girl — most likely parental programming, as we’ve discussed, but they could also consider autism, dissociative disorders, or even schizophrenia and other kinds of psychological problems — and they choose to move forward with the worst, fakest, most trendy and most destructive option: that he “really is” a girl and should be hormonally and surgically transformed into a simulacrum of “femininity.”
Given the nonsensicality of the diagnosis, the correct procedure would be to help the child get back in touch with reality, and if necessary, straighten out the idiot parents. Until just a few years ago, that was what they normally did.
OK, so what about medical ethics? Surely these doctors must follow accepted principles of bioethics? Respect for autonomy, nonmaleficence (i.e. “first, do no harm”), beneficence? Nope. They follow only the “bible” of trans activists, the “World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) Standard of Care,” guidelines based mainly on wishful thinking, men’s sexual fantasies and women’s self-hatred. Indeed, they often leave this document in the dust as they constantly remove more varieties of recommended “gatekeeping” — so insistent and determined they are to “get their hands dirty” with younger and younger children.
It is the official standard of WPATH to defer genital surgery until the transitioning individual has reached 18 years of age. This position is also shared by The Endocrine Society, a worldwide organization dedicated to the education and practice advancement of endocrinology. In 2009, the Clinical Guidelines Subcommittee of the Society appointed a task force to formulate evidence-based recommendations for the diagnosis and treatment of transgender individuals . By using the GRADE system (Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluation), members of this and various other European endocrinological societies jointly issued a summary of recommendations concerning the treatment of adolescents, in which they suggested that surgery be deferred until the individual has reached the age of 18. In terms of grading, the recommendation itself is acknowledged by the Endocrine Society as “weak” and the quality of evidence “very low.” This is mainly because the evidence comes from unsystematic observations provided by the panelists whose principal source of evidentiary contributions consists of opinions, values, and preferences, with remarks subsumed under “suggestions.”
Although the Standards of Care recognize that the legal age of majority varies from nation to nation, the age of majority is currently 18 in both the United States and Germany; hence, the procedure performed on a 16-year old girl [sic] was clearly not in accordance with the WPATH Standards of Care— neither the current nor the previous version, valid during 2005–2011. In addition, anecdotal reports and personal communication with surgeons in the United States who wish to remain anonymous confirm that genital surgeries in female-affirmed patients under 18 have been performed, thereby contravening the Standards of Care and thus prompting physicians, therapists, and other clinical professionals who otherwise adhere to the WPATH criteria to maintain official silence in the matter. From a treatment perspective, this is no surprise—if social transitioning and administration of hormones are sliding toward younger ages, the request for surgical procedures among younger individuals will follow.
Walter was furious with Rita because she wouldn’t write a letter saying that he was an appropriate candidate for the “sex change” surgery that he so desperately craved, a complex series of butcheries to make his male genitals resemble an imitation “vagina.” Rita refused to write the letter because it was obvious that Walter was just a tranny autogynephiliac, a transvestite masturbator whose life was obsessively fixated on “transitioning” to being a fake “woman.” Rita had too much integrity to yield to his bullying and badgering about “the letter.” (By now, of course, it’s much, much easier for transgenderists in the USA to receive the horrific surgeries they desire. The government may even cover much of the expense.)
Walter came into Rita’s office with a pistol blazing. He killed Rita with extreme “over-kill” violence, 17 bullets from a big 9 mm gun. Then Walter killed himself.
It only took a week until other male trannies like Richard “Riki” Wilchins and “Nancy” Nangeroni rushed to blame Rita for provoking Walter to kill her. How dare anyone prevent a crazed male fetishist from going under the knife! The nerve of that bitch! Outrageous that there are rules, checks & balances, that sort of thing. Give the male trannies what they want, now! Or face the consequences!1!!
Murder-Suicide Raises Questions About Therapist’s Role in Sex Change Surgery June 19, 1998 By Marian Jones
NEW YORK Last Wednesday, Rita Powers’ patient showed up for a therapy session with a 9 mm handgun.
In a burst of gunfire, the patient fatally shot Powers, a San Diego therapist, then turned the gun around and committed suicide. The motive? Powers had apparently refused to grant her client who dressed as a woman and preferred to be called “Julia” written approval for sex change surgery.
The incident highlights the unique and powerful role the mental health establishment plays in deciding who can get a sex change operation a role that is increasingly being called into question.
International guidelines followed by the medical community require two written letters of approval from licensed therapists specializing in this area, one with a doctorate-level degree, before medical professionals will perform the surgery.
The therapists must find that the patient meets the criteria for Gender Identity Disorder. This is defined in the DSM-IV, the American Psychiatric Association’s diagnostic manual, as a persistent discomfort with one’s assigned sex and a feeling that this sex is inappropriate. This must be coupled with a preoccupation for at least two years with changing one’s primary and secondary sex characteristics to that of the other sex.
Those diagnosed with the disorder, according to the guidelines, must also have dressed and lived as the preferred sex for at least one year, and must complete a minimum of six months of psychological counseling before being certified for sex reassignment.
The difficulty in obtaining approval under these guidelines can lead a person to become desperate, say advocates for transsexuals.
“When you deprive a person of medical services they feel they need, this can take the form of extreme actions toward themselves and even others,” commented Riki Wilchins, executive director of GenderPAC, a national advocacy group for gender-related issues.
Violence such as the San Diego murder-suicide is almost unheard of, Wilchins added, noting that self-destructive behavior such as substance abuse are more common.
Wilchins, who had sex reassignment surgery in 1980, does not believe that approval from a therapist should be required at all.
“When I went to get a nose job, they didn’t say, ‘You have rhino identity disorder.’ When I went to get my breasts done, they didn’t say, ‘You are a large-breasted woman trapped in a small-breasted woman’s body.’ Yet when I had the genital surgery, there was this arcane structure that says you must spend thousands of dollars getting psychiatrists and psychologists to say this is okay,” Wilchins said.
Sheila Dicks-on, Ph.D., a Phoenix psychologist specializing in gender identity, partly agrees. “For many, many people, this psychological certification is not a necessity.” But such an approval process is necessary in many cases, Dickson says, to ensure that the patient understands the implications of the procedure.
The guidelines safeguard against disastrous outcomes, according to Robert Segraves, M.D., a psychiatry professor at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland. “People have enough trouble moving from one part of the country to another, in becoming parents, or in getting married. When you talk about changing gender, this is a huge adjustment.”
The psychiatric approval process also weeds out people who are mentally unstable, added Paul Tobias, Ph.D., a Los Angeles psychologist who has been working with transsexuals for 25 years. “There have always been a certain number of people with severe psychological problems who believe that if they change their body, they can resolve their emotional difficulties.”
“We want to make sure that a person is not suffering from multiple personality disorder,” added Mildred Brown, Ph.D., a Santa Clara, Calif., sexologist and author of a book on transsexualism. “If we did the surgery and then another personality of a different gender came out and found that body parts were missing or added, there would be a severe problem.”
A person seeking this surgery can also be “a homosexual in denial, who thinks that if they have the body of the opposite sex, they can relate (sexually) to the people they want to relate to, and society won’t stigmatize them for being gay,” Brown explained.
But Wilchins dismisses these concerns as overblown, noting that a very small percentage of people who have the surgery actually believe they made a mistake in doing so.
Wilchins and other transsexual advocates also take issue with the diagnostic category of Gender Identity Disorder.
There is no question that a transsexual who would murder a therapist and commit suicide is emotionally disturbed, and that many transsexuals could benefit from some therapy given that their situation can often lead to emotional disorders such as anxiety and depression, asserted Nancy Nangeroni, a male-to-female transsexual and the executive director of the Boston-based International Foundation for Gender Education.
“But the [general category of] Gender Identity Disorder stigmatizes gender diversity by making it a disorder of the individual rather than a product of a culture that has a narrow concept of gender,” Nangeroni said.
Wilchins’ group has organized demonstrations challenging this diagnostic category, the latest of which took place outside the American Psychiatric Association’s headquarters. She compares these efforts to the successful campaign that gays and lesbians mounted to get homosexuality declassified as a mental disorder 26 years ago.
“We would like to see this as a non-stigmatizing physical condition regarded as similar to pregnancy. [!!!] The only disorder here is a disorder in the minds of people who are uncomfortable with certain types of gender behavior,” Wilchins said.
Dickson, however, noted that while gender identity disorder can be unfairly stigmatizing, it is a necessary prerequisite for insurance coverage, which can be obtained for the expensive procedure if it is deemed medically essential.
The killer’s male tranny clique continued to blame Rita for her own murder. A couple of months later, the Fall 1998 edition of the transgenderist magazine “Transgender Tapestry” ran an article by “Gwendolyn Ann” Smith making excuses for Walter Miller and calling him by his “female” alias.
Soon, the January 1999 issue of the feminist magazine “Off Our Backs” provided excellent analysis of the male tranny write-up:
Transgender Magazine Blames Woman for Her Own Murder
The front cover of Transgender Tapestry claims the magazine is dedicated to “Celebrating the Diversity of Gender Expression” – but the Fall 1998 issue of the magazine was nothing to celebrate. Inside, a full-page article explained that a female therapist named Rita Powers was murdered because she balked at issuing a letter recommending sex-reassignment surgery for her murderer, Walter Miller. The article consistently referred to Miller with female pronouns despite the fact that he held a job as a man.
“She was receiving some negativity from her therapist”, the article explained, “suicide being the only other course of action that she saw, she–violently took the life of the one person that was standing in the way”.
Nowhere in the article was there any sense of outrage at the crime or expression of sympathy for the victim of this indefensible act of male violence. Instead there was the attitude typically expressed by rapist and their defenders that the woman somehow brought it on herself because of her own actions. Not content with portraying the murderer as a victim, however, the author of the article attempted to further mitigate the severity of the crime by blaming society as a whole because of the discrimination perpetrated against transgenders in general.
The absurdity of this exculpation for murder is evident based upon facts contained in the article itself — for example, the fact that the murderer still lived and worked as a man and the fact that his legal name was still Walter Miller. Nevertheless, in homage to the “social construct” of gender embraced by Transgender Tapestry and its writers, the magazine consistently employed female pronouns and repeatedly referred to Miller with his alias of Julia Morgan.
The same magazine contained another column — entitled “Ethics and Transgender Care” — which exploited the murder of Rita Powers to open a critique of therapists and therapy in general.
Neither column bothered to provide any information about Powers. Did she have a family – a lesbian partner, a husband, a child or a pet? Is she mourned by loved-ones or did she lead a lonely existence? Readers won’t find the answers to those sorts of questions in the pages of Tapestry because the magazine is too busy celebrating “the diversity of gender expression” – and lamenting the subsequent suicide of Walter Miller – to waste any space on Miller’s victim.
Raging tranny narcissist Walter Miller didn’t just kill Rita Powers on an impulse or by accident. He murdered her with extreme, vicious, pre-meditated psychotic violence. He shot her 17 times “all over her body” with a high-powered semi-automatic handgun. Miller’s goal with those 17 bullets was to shred and mutilate the body of a 41-year old single mother, simply because she refused to participate in his deviant sexual fantasy.
The idea that one’s sex is a “feeling,” not a fact, has permeated our culture and is leaving casualties in its wake. “Gender dysphoria” should be treated with psychotherapy, not surgery. This is a new article by Dr. Paul McHugh, re-blogged from the Witherspoon Institute’s “Public Discourse.”
For forty years as the University Distinguished Service Professor of Psychiatry at Johns Hopkins Medical School—twenty-six of which were also spent as Psychiatrist in Chief of Johns Hopkins Hospital—I’ve been studying people who claim to be transgender. Over that time, I’ve watched the phenomenon change and expand in remarkable ways.
A rare issue of a few men—both homosexual and heterosexual men, including some who sought sex-change surgery because they were erotically aroused by the thought or image of themselves as women—has spread to include women as well as men. Even young boys and girls have begun to present themselves as of the opposite sex. Over the last ten or fifteen years, this phenomenon has increased in prevalence, seemingly exponentially. Now, almost everyone has heard of or met such a person.
Publicity, especially from early examples such as “Christine” Jorgenson, “Jan” Morris, and “Renee” Richards, has promoted the idea that one’s biological sex is a choice, leading to widespread cultural acceptance of the concept. And, that idea, quickly accepted in the 1980s, has since run through the American public like a revelation or “meme” affecting much of our thought about sex.
The champions of this meme, encouraged by their alliance with the broader LGBT movement, claim that whether you are a man or a woman, a boy or a girl, is more of a disposition or feeling about yourself than a fact of nature. And, much like any other feeling, it can change at any time, and for all sorts of reasons. Therefore, no one could predict who would swap this fact of their makeup, nor could one justifiably criticize such a decision.
At Johns Hopkins, after pioneering sex-change surgery, we demonstrated that the practice brought no important benefits. As a result, we stopped offering that form of treatment in the 1970s. Our efforts, though, had little influence on the emergence of this new idea about sex, or upon the expansion of the number of “transgendered” among young and old.
Olympic Athlete Turned “Pin-Up” Girl
This history may clarify some aspects of the latest high-profile transgender claimant. Bruce Jenner, the 1976 Olympic decathlon champion, is turning away from his titular identity as one of the “world’s greatest male athletes.” Jenner announced recently that he “identifies as a woman” and, with medical and surgical help, is busy reconstructing his physique.
I have not met or examined Jenner, but his behavior resembles that of some of the transgender males we have studied over the years. These men wanted to display themselves in sexy ways, wearing provocative female garb. More often than not, while claiming to be a woman in a man’s body, they declared themselves to be “lesbians” (attracted to other women). The photograph of the posed, corseted, breast-boosted Bruce Jenner (a man in his mid-sixties, but flaunting himself as if a “pin-up” girl in her twenties or thirties) on the cover of Vanity Fair suggests that he may fit the behavioral mold that Ray Blanchard has dubbed an expression of “autogynephilia”—from gynephilia (attracted to women) and auto (in the form of oneself).
The Emperor’s New Clothes
But the meme—that your sex is a feeling, not a biological fact, and can change at any time—marches on through our society. In a way, it’s reminiscent of the Hans Christian Andersen tale, The Emperor’s New Clothes. In that tale, the Emperor, believing that he wore an outfit of special beauty imperceptible to the rude or uncultured, paraded naked through his town to the huzzahs of courtiers and citizens anxious about their reputations. Many onlookers to the contemporary transgender parade, knowing that a disfavored opinion is worse than bad taste today, similarly fear to identify it as a misapprehension.
I am ever trying to be the boy among the bystanders who points to what’s real. I do so not only because truth matters, but also because overlooked amid the hoopla—enhanced now by Bruce Jenner’s celebrity and Annie Leibovitz’s photography—stand many victims. Think, for example, of the parents whom no one—not doctors, schools, nor even churches—will help to rescue their children from these strange notions of being transgendered and the problematic lives these notions herald. These youngsters now far outnumber the Bruce Jenner type of transgender. Although they may be encouraged by his public reception, these children generally come to their ideas about their sex not through erotic interests but through a variety of youthful psychosocial conflicts and concerns.
First, though, let us address the basic assumption of the contemporary parade: the idea that exchange of one’s sex is possible. It, like the storied Emperor, is starkly, nakedly false. Transgendered men do not become women, nor do transgendered women become men. All (including Bruce Jenner) become feminized men or masculinized women, counterfeits or impersonators of the sex with which they “identify.” In that lies their problematic future.
When “the tumult and shouting dies,” it proves not easy nor wise to live in a counterfeit sexual garb. The most thorough follow-up of sex-reassigned people—extending over thirty years and conducted in Sweden, where the culture is strongly supportive of the transgendered—documents their lifelong mental unrest. Ten to fifteen years after surgical reassignment, the suicide rate of those who had undergone sex-reassignment surgery rose to twenty times that of comparable peers.
How to Treat Gender Dysphoria
So how should we make sense of this matter today? As with any mental phenomenon, what’s crucial is noting its fundamental characteristic and then identifying the many ways in which that characteristic can manifest itself.
The central issue with all transgender subjects is one of assumption—the assumption that one’s sexual nature is misaligned with one’s biological sex. This problematic assumption comes about in several different ways, and these distinctions in its generation determine how to manage and treat it.
Based on the photographic evidence one might guess Bruce Jenner falls into the group of men who come to their disordered assumption through being sexually aroused by the image of themselves as women. He could have been treated for this misaligned arousal with psychotherapy and medication. Instead, he found his way to surgeons who worked him over as he wished. Others have already commented on his stereotypic caricature of women as decorative “babes” (“I look forward to wearing nail polish until it chips off,” he said to Diane Sawyer)—a view that understandably infuriates feminists—and his odd sense that only feelings, not facts, matter here.
For his sake, however, I do hope that he receives regular, attentive follow-up care, as his psychological serenity in the future is doubtful. Future men with similar feelings and intentions should be treated for those feelings rather than being encouraged to undergo bodily changes. Group therapies are now available for them.
Most young boys and girls who come seeking sex-reassignment are utterly different from Jenner. They have no erotic interest driving their quest. Rather, they come with psychosocial issues—conflicts over the prospects, expectations, and roles that they sense are attached to their given sex—and presume that sex-reassignment will ease or resolve them.
The grim fact is that most of these youngsters do not find therapists willing to assess and guide them in ways that permit them to work out their conflicts and correct their assumptions. Rather, they and their families find only “gender counselors” who encourage them in their sexual misassumptions.
Those with Gender Dysphoria Need Evidence-Based Care
There are several reasons for this absence of coherence in our mental health system. Important among them is the fact that both the state and federal governments are actively seeking to block any treatments that can be construed as challenging the assumptions and choices of transgendered youngsters. “As part of our dedication to protecting America’s youth, this administration supports efforts to ban the use of conversion therapy for minors,” said Valerie Jarrett, a senior advisor to President Obama.
In two states, a doctor who would look into the psychological history of a transgendered boy or girl in search of a resolvable conflict could lose his or her license to practice medicine. By contrast, such a physician would not be penalized if he or she started such a patient on hormones that would block puberty and might stunt growth.
What is needed now is public clamor for coherent science—biological and therapeutic science—examining the real effects of these efforts to “support” transgendering. Although much is made of a rare “intersex” individual, no evidence supports the claim that people such as Bruce Jenner have a biological source for their transgender assumptions. Plenty of evidence demonstrates that with him and most others, transgendering is a psychological rather than a biological matter.
In fact, gender dysphoria—the official psychiatric term for feeling oneself to be of the opposite sex—belongs in the family of similarly disordered assumptions about the body, such as anorexia nervosa and body dysmorphic disorder. Its treatment should not be directed at the body as with surgery and hormones any more than one treats obesity-fearing anorexic patients with liposuction. The treatment should strive to correct the false, problematic nature of the assumption and to resolve the psychosocial conflicts provoking it. With youngsters, this is best done in family therapy.
The larger issue is the meme itself. The idea that one’s sex is fluid and a matter open to choice runs unquestioned through our culture and is reflected everywhere in the media, the theater, the classroom, and in many medical clinics. It has taken on cult-like features: its own special lingo, internet chat rooms providing slick answers to new recruits, and clubs for easy access to dresses and styles supporting the sex change. It is doing much damage to families, adolescents, and children and should be confronted as an opinion without biological foundation wherever it emerges.
But gird your loins if you would confront this matter. Hell hath no fury like a vested interest masquerading as a moral principle.
Autogynephilia is a man’s paraphilic tendency to be sexually aroused by the thought or image of himself as a woman (Blanchard, 1989a). Autogynephilia can be conceptualized as an erotic target location error, which involves mislocating a preferred erotic target within one’s own body or internalizing an external erotic target (Blanchard, 1991; Freund & Blanchard, 1993; Lawrence, 2009). In the case of autogynephilia, a man who is otherwise sexually attracted to women mislocates them within himself and is thus sexually attracted to the act or the fantasy of resembling or impersonating women (e.g., by cross-dressing). In other words, autogynephilia can be understood as a kind of erotic target location error that occurs in men who are sexually attracted to women or whose preferred erotic targets are women.
Consistent with the idea that autogynephilia is a misdirected type of heterosexual attraction, Blanchard (1992) demonstrated that autogynephilia tends to compete with typical sexual interest in women. In addition to cross-dressing, which is the most familiar way in which autogynephilia manifests, there are other behaviors and fantasies related to the idea of being a woman that autogynephilic men find sexually arousing. Blanchard (1991) described four aspects of being a woman that manifest in the sexual behaviors and fantasies of autogynephilic men: exhibiting female physiologic functions, engaging in stereotypically feminine behavior, possessing female anatomic structures, and dressing in women’s clothing. He labeled these different ways in which autogynephilia manifests as types of autogynephilia and called them physiologic autogynephilia, behavioral autogynephilia, anatomic autogynephilia, and transvestic autogynephilia, respectively.
Examples of physiologic autogynephilia include sexual fantasies of lactating, breastfeeding, and menstruating (Blanchard, 1991). Some autogynephilic men also find the idea of being pregnant to be sexually arousing. Behavioral autogynephilia involves behaving in a stereotypically feminine way or performing activities that symbolize femininity. For instance, some autogynephilic men report sexual arousal at the idea of speaking and walking in a feminine manner or of being with other women in a locker room or in a hair salon (Blanchard, 1991;Lawrence, 2013). Others report sexual excitement from seemingly trivial or mundane feminine activities, such as knitting in a circle with other women, owning a girl’s bike, or taking birth control pills. Men who experience the anatomic type of autogynephilia may be sexually aroused by the mere idea of having a woman’s body or they may focus on specific female anatomic features, such as the breasts or the vulva. Sexual arousal at the thought or image of having a woman’s hairless legs, buttocks, or face also constitutes anatomic autogynephilia. Blanchard (1993a,b) found that the anatomic type of autogynephilia was closely associated with gender dysphoria,or feelings of discontent with one’s biological sex, among autogynephilic men. Specifically, Blanchard showed that autogynephilic men who reported the most arousal at the thought or image of themselves as nude rather than partially or fully clothed women were more gender dysphoric (Blanchard, 1993b) and that those specifically aroused by the idea of having a vulva were also more gender dysphoric (Blanchard, 1993a). Transvestic autogynephilia is generally considered synonymous with erotic cross-dressing, or transvestic fetishism, and it is one very unambiguous and behavioral way in which an autogynephilic man can make himself more like a woman. It is also considered the most frequent manifestation of autogynephilia (Lawrence, 2013).
A fifth putative type of autogynephilia that has important theoretical and clinical relevance is interpersonal autogynephilia, or sexual interest in interacting with or being admired by other people as a woman (also called autogynephilic interpersonal fantasy) (Blanchard, 1989b). Most commonly, such behaviors and fantasies involve sexual intercourse or activity with other people (either real or imagined) while cross-dressed or thinking of oneself as a woman (Blanchard, 1991). Blanchard subsumed the autogynephilic behaviors and fantasies of this variety under behavioral autogynephilia, but he noted their particular significance relative to other behaviors and fantasies of the behavioral type. For example, Blanchard found that self-reported autogynephilic interpersonal fantasy was more highly endorsed among autogynephilic men identifying as bisexual compared with those identifying as heterosexual (Blanchard, 1989b). Blanchard speculated that bisexual behavior and identity among autogynephilic men reflects interpersonal autogynephilia—specifically, their sexual interest in the idea of having sex with men as a woman—rather than genuine attraction to male bodies in addition to female bodies. Thus, a distinction between interpersonal autogynephilia and the more broadly defined behavioral autogynephilia seems conceptually useful.
Although there is value in categorizing the various ways in which autogynephilia manifests, it is not clear how the different types of autogynephilia are organized. For example, it is conceivable that autogynephilic men focus on one type or a few types of autogynephilia at the expense of others. Alternatively, there might be only one general dimension of autogynephilia, with the most autogynephilic men especially likely to exhibit multiple types of autogynephilia. From numerous case reports (Blanchard, 1991; Lawrence, 2013), it seems common for different types of autogynephilia to co-occur within an individual. In addition, a particular autogynephilic behavior or fantasy may include elements from more than one type. For example, simulating a pregnant woman may involve cross-dressing in maternity clothes and could be considered both physiologic and transvestic autogynephilia. Wearing a female cheerleader’s outfit may be a form of transvestic autogynephilia, behavioral autogynephilia, or both, depending on the meaning that an autogynephilic man ascribes to the act. If he is aroused by wearing feminine clothing, then he is manifesting transvestic autogynephilia, but if he is aroused by enacting the female-typical role of a cheerleader, then he is manifesting behavioral autogynephilia. It is often the case, however, that an autogynephilic man is aroused by the variety of ways in which a behavior or fantasy is feminine. Because types usually refer to discrete categories, referring to the different manifestations of autogynephilia as types might be less than ideal, as they appear dimensional (i.e., they overlap and can be expressed to different degrees).
The present study attempted to clarify the structure of autogynephilia psychometrically. Specifically, we focused on the extent to which the different types of autogynephilia manifest in autogynephilic men, their relations among each other, and their relations to a more broadly construed construct of autogynephilia. Although previous researchers (e.g., Blanchard, 1991; Lawrence, 2013) have speculated about the differential prevalences of the various types of autogynephilia, there is no strong or empirically supported evidence to suggest what these might be. We assembled 22 items to assess five types of autogynephilia in a sample of autogynephilic men and subjected the items to exploratory factor analysis, which attempted to explain the variability and correlations among the items by reducing them to reflect latent factors. We then examined the evidence for five group factors and a general factor of autogynephilia that underlies them. In order to test construct validity, we compared the autogynephilic sample with heterosexual men from a control sample who were unlikely to be autogynephilic. Finally, we created factor derived scales and subscales from the 22 items and tested their psychometric properties and concurrent validity with variables related to autogynephilia (e.g., gender dysphoria).
[BOTTOM LINE OF THEIR FINDINGS: THE NEW SCALE WORKED PRETTY WELL. DOWNLOAD THE ARTICLE IF YOU’D LIKE TO KNOW MORE DETAILS.]
All of these children and young people are being sacrificed on an obscene altar of male sexual desire.
The reality of men’s insane craving to “become women” is much simpler than the official story about some hypothesized brain glitch or genetic difference. Around 90% of male transgenderists have autogynephilia, a sexual perversion in which men experience intense sexual arousal at the idea of themselves “being women” and being treated in society “as women.” There is no such thing as an innate “gender identity.” A “female gender identity” emerges in male transgenderists only after years or decades of sexualized cross-dressing. They are often quite “normal” heterosexual men, having “masculine” interests, having wives & girlfriends, fathering children, and seeming like regular straight guys. Men like this used to be called “transvestites,” but since the internet came along the majority of transvestites are progressing to full-blown transsexualism. Because sexual perversions like autogynephilia are embarrassing and tend to invalidate any rationale for destroying their families, men have cooked up the notion of an innate “gender identity.”
Courtesy of GenderTrender, here is the list of drug companies contributing to the “World Professional Association for Transgender Health” (WPATH) for 2003 — i.e. 12 years ago! Do you think they’re supporting organized tranny-ism any less these days? Nope. Much more, I’m sure. They contribute to WPATH because the more confused people take the leap into modifying their bodies with hormones, the more loot they will rake in.
The “Transgender Chicken Circuit”, for the uninformed, is a patchwork of media appearances, news and feature articles, talk shows, documentaries, convention and seminar appearances that savvy parents can weave together into a modest cottage industry of transgender child celebrity. Think of it as a Munchausen-marinated transgender version of “Toddlers and Tiaras” whose fans are aging cross-dressing male autogynephiles in possession of both a wistful longing for an unexperienced girlhood, and a generous disposable income. These men are the funders of the agencies and lobbying groups promoting the medicalization of childhood gender nonconformity. The best known example is billionaire financeer and lifelong closeted crossdresser (and father of three) James “Jennifer Natalya” Pritzker whose Tawani Foundation single-handedly funds the experimental pediatric transgender drug clinic at Children’s Hospital of Chicago.
AUTOGYNEPHILIA IS REAL. “GENDER IDENTITY” IS FAKE. RESIST the “GENDER IDENTITY” DISCOURSE. BE INFORMED. INFORM OTHERS. THE MAINSTREAMING OF “GENDER IDENTITY” IS JUST AN EXCUSE AND A LIE TO JUSTIFY THE FANTASY SEXUAL OBSESSION OF SOME MALES, WHO CULTIVATE THIS “IDENTITY” AND ARE DEADLY AFRAID FOR THE MASTURBATORY TRUTH TO EMERGE. IT IS NOT “HARMLESS” TO FORCIBLY TRANSSEXUALIZE CHILDREN OR TO LET ADULTS “TRANSITION” TO A FAKE SIMULACRUM OF THE OPPOSITE SEX. IT IS HARMFUL TO INDIVIDUALS, TO FAMILIES AND TO SOCIETY. WE WOULDN’T EVEN BE DISCUSSING “GENDER IDENTITY” IF IT WEREN’T FOR THE INSANE SEXUAL CRAVINGS OF A SMALL BUT GROWING NUMBER OF MALE TRANNY AUTOGYNEPHILIACS.
I want to show you a case study of how a man’s autogynephilic narcissism helped to kill off his wife so that he could be the “mom,” and then boosted him into the lying crime-light of male transgenderite activism. It is quite a disturbing story. For the benefit of those just learning about autogynephilia, a few words first to introduce the topic.
Around 90% of male transgenderists have autogynephilia. Growing up, they seem like ordinary heterosexual boys and men, just regular guys, but they hide an embarrassing secret — these men have an obsessive sexual fantasy image of themselves “as women,” wearing women’s clothes, having breasts and other “female body parts,” and mimicking “feminine” stereotypes of behavior & appearance. Crucially, these men crave “validation as women” through their unchallenged “trans-aggressive” violations of women’s space (rest-rooms, dressing rooms, locker rooms etc.) and through having normal people mirror back to them such “feminine” social expectations as being called “ma’am” or “miss,” having a real woman compliment their outfit, having a man hold the door open etc. Most autogynephilic men “transition” (to become fake “women”) after many years or decades of cultivating their fantasy to the point of neurotic dissociation, when a new “female gender identity” takes over. Unfortunately, this often happens when the man is married to a woman, and usually with young children in the home. The consequences of this break from reality are devastating, mostly to the man’s family, as the husband and father they once loved and respected, and who once seemingly cared for them more than anything, begins to obsess about his “transition,” first just “exploring the idea” with “support groups” and “shopping en femme” but very soon going whole-hog for massive hormone manipulations and drastic surgeries. It is a toxic nightmare for the women married to these men and a traumatic disappointment for their children.
“Devin” (probably Kevin) Payne (AKA “Pain”) is a man from Kansas, USA. He was married to a woman, and together they had four children.
Growing up in Kansas, Payne remembers trying on her mother’s clothes and dressing as a girl every year for Halloween. She dreamt of having another life after this one, as a girl. But Payne said she mostly suppressed her feelings and tried to live up to the expectations for a male.
“I put it out of my head,” she said.
She married a woman she met at work and they had four children, now ages 7 to 22. But she never felt comfortable in the traditional role of father and provider.
So far, 100% classic autogynephilia,. Bonus points for making up a retroactive justification for his transgenderism — “dressing as a girl every year for Halloween.” That sounds like a lie — he may have done it once. Also bonus points for blaming his un-named wife and his children for “dysphoria” in what should be the most important role and responsibility of a heterosexual male’s life: being a solid, reliable and loving husband and father.
“I was just horrible at it because it wasn’t who I was,” she said. So Payne became the primary caretaker, playing the “mommy role” as she worked from home doing software development for pharmaceutical companies.
She felt increasingly anxious, and in late 2012, a therapist helped her to realize that she was meant to live as a woman. Payne said her entire outlook on life changed when she started taking female hormones.
“It wasn’t who I was” — despite having made his wife pregnant at least four times, he wasn’t keen to take responsibility. Then come even more lies — he became “mommy,” already stealing his nameless wife’s identity, as she apparently had to go out and get a job to support the family. But he was actually raking in a lot of money as he worked from home: “doing software development for pharmaceutical companies” tends to pay much better than most work-from-home gigs. In fact, it pays extremely well. Why did nameless wife have to work? Could Kevin have been concealing a big chunk of his income from her? His “outlook on life changed” when he began taking estrogen — because when males take estrogen, it fulfills autogynephilic fantasy and provides a mild general euphoria.
But then we learn:
Devin Payne had gone years without health insurance – having little need and not much money to pay for it.
“Little need” — again, with a wife and four children. “Not much money.” Remember this for a few moments.
Payne told her wife, who was upset. She told Payne: I married a man, not a woman—but she also admitted that she wasn’t entirely surprised. With mixed feelings, Payne’s wife stayed in the marriage, and the family moved from Kansas to California, in part so Payne could be more comfortable living as a transgender woman. They rented a small house in a middle-class neighborhood on the outskirts of Palm Springs and sent their children to the public school.
Late last year, Payne’s wife, who had battled alcoholism for years, died of liver disease.
Emphases added. These two paragraphs tell the story of how this man’s sexual fantasies helped to kill off a good woman, a mother of four, and then spit on her grave. His wife was “upset” (i.e. “unwilling to accept his bullshit”) but then “admitted” (i.e. as though she had been unreasonable but was now conceding) that she wasn’t surprised (i.e. “that somehow she always knew that Kevin was actually a laydee”). “With mixed feelings” (i.e. “it really wasn’t so difficult, she actually kind of loved the idea”) she “stayed in the marriage” (i.e. “she didn’t recklessly bail out on the marriage” — as Kevin was actually doing). Then, “in part” (yeah right) so Kevin/Devin could feel more comfy flaunting his autogynephilic fantasy-self, she moved 2,000 miles away from her family and friends to a small rented house in the shitty suburban desert of Riverside County, California.
We’re talking about the mother of four children. Much more likely, she wanted to stay in Kansas with the kids and try to rebuild their lives, close to loved ones — but no longer had the strength to fight against Kevin’s incessant demand.
Within a year or two, as Kevin glammed it up downtown, uptown and all around town, the
woman without a name suddenly died. Presumably, dying of liver disease for some little while, probably a few years, she’d had had poor health, with nausea, vomiting, esophageal bleeding and other symptoms. However, the family had “little need” for health insurance — did she receive any medical care before she died? Could she have received care sooner than she did? As you’ll see later in this post, she did not have health insurance before she died.
It’s not that often you hear about a young-ish woman, probably in her early 40s, mother of four, dying from the effects of too much booze. I am skeptical that she “battled alcoholism for years” — that’s just another stigmatizing disparagement. (Even if she did drink a lot, this asshole’s antics and her lonely & isolated new life in the suburban California desert may have pushed her to it.) But think about the liver’s role in the human body: It processes toxins. If indeed this woman died of “liver disease,” it was because of Kevin/Devin’s malignant narcissism and the toxic environment he created. I don’t mean that he was spraying insecticide everywhere — I mean the gaslighting, toxic stress and emotional blackmail that he perpetrated against his family for several years, until the woman died. She may have had a pre-existing health condition, and with some conditions chronic stress can lead to liver failure. Undoubtedly she was in sorrow and distress, yet took care of the house and kids in a strange new city while Kevin painted the town red and obsessed over his bra size. In any case, it’s clear that she was in poor health, it’s clear that Kevin didn’t bother getting health insurance for his family; and it’s clear that the woman probably shouldn’t be dead.
While the nameless wife was dying:
In her early 40s, she [Kevin] changed her name, began wearing long skirts and grew out her sandy blond hair. And she started taking female hormones, which caused her breasts to develop and the muscle mass on her 6-foot one-inch frame to shrink.
The next step was gender reassignment surgery. For that, Payne, who is now 44,said she needed health coverage. “It is not a simple, easy, magical surgery,” said Payne, a photographer who lives in Palm Springs. “Trying to do this without insurance is a big risk. Things can go wrong … not having the money to pay for it would be awful.”
Payne learned in the fall that she might qualify for subsidies through the state’s new insurance marketplace, Covered California, because her income fell under the limit of $46,000 a year. She eagerly signed up in March for a Blue Shield plan for about $230 a month, and began making preparations for the surgery that would change her life.
Mind you, the article I’m quoting is from August 2014. Kevin’s wife died in “late 2013.” Now that she’s out of the way, hey, how about getting some health insurance to pay for that fake “vagina”, with no proper function except to put a penis inside! Great idea — these insane surgeries are now covered by “Obamacare.” (You can’t get eyeglasses, birth control, and a bunch of other useful stuff, but you can get one of these things carved out.) So tra-la-la, with wife dead and the children traumatized & motherless the new “mommy,” now a glamorous “photographer,” minces his way immediately to the surgeons. In late May, he went under the knife.
But did he really need this health insurance bonanza? In the following disgusting video, Payne makes this statement about funding “the operation”:
I had enough money to pay cash, out of pocket for it.
By the scheduled date, Blue Shield had authorized the operation but hadn’t determined exactly how much it would pay for an out-of-network provider. Payne got a cashier’s check for nearly all her savings, $27,000, to pay the doctor, hoping her insurance plan would reimburse most of it.
But Payne decides to let American taxpayers and the insurance company pay for it. So he has $27,000 cash laying around — and probably more. He likely concealed these funds from his wife while she lived; secret savings from his lucrative software development years. Whatever happened to “little need and not much money” for health insurance? He never felt a “need” for health insurance until he learned that using it he could save a ton of money on that long-fantasized fake “vagina.” The $230/month policy is just for himself. With tens of thousands of dollars under his mattress, nameless wife died needlessly, likely with insufficient medical care or even without care. Payne says in the video that his children are now on Medi-Cal, the extreme low-budget, bare-bones health care option made available to welfare recipients. He probably gets food stamps for them too. Payne sends the bereft children back to their grandparents. They’re probably still with their grandparents — though on the other hand, being a “single mom” is tremendously validating for some of these men (they are among the most vicious when it comes to child custody court fights in divorce cases), and he may have them in his clutches again. (Oh, I see that he puts pictures of the kids in his blog — the 2,831 pedos of Riverside County will be pleased.)
And then: let’s get the party started.
On a boiling afternoon in early July, about six weeks after the operation, Payne and her friends sat outside on the patio next to a pool. Misters sprayed above them, and Payne’s cat and two dogs wandered beneath their feet.
Yeah I’ll bet that some “Misters” are spraying above.
But he’s mad because the government & health insurance company don’t want to pay for the whole thing. They might have paid, but the insurance company was still sorting out their paperwork & costing. However, Kevin couldn’t wait another minute!!! So he just went ahead with an “out-of-network” surgeon.
Payne said she believes the lab work, pathology, anesthesiology services and follow-up doctor’s visits were all covered. But recently she got a statement saying she was on the hook for $17,000 of the total cost of the surgery.
Payne believes that the government and insurance companies should help cover such operations. The population of transgender patients who want surgery is small, and she said they are less likely to suffer mental health problems once they have it.
Um, actually, how about just dealing with these men’s mental health problems in the first place! Nowadays (and by the tone of this article) we are supposed to think this guy is a normal, healthy, not insane “woman.” He’s a fucking psychotic poster-boy for out of control paraphilic sexual fantasies.
That’s the story of how a typical autogynephile’s selfishness, depravity and irresponsibility played a role in a woman’s death. But there’s more.
Anyway, this is more than enough information about this clown. Autogynephilia destroys families and harms all women, especially those who are close to the autogynephiles. It harms children by gaslighting them at a time when they’re just trying to make sense of the world. And these men are not “safe,” just because they pretend to be women. I guess that’s a topic for another day.
Lawrence AA. Transgenderism in non-homosexual males as a paraphilic phenomenon: Implications for case conceptualization and treatment. Sexual and Relationship Therapy 2009: 24 (2), pp. 188-206.
The concept of autogynephilia provides a theory of motivation for MTF sex reassignment, in that it proposes that nonhomosexual MTF transsexuals seek sex reassignment primarily because they are sexually aroused by (and love) the idea of having women’s bodies and living as women. They want to actualize their autogynephilic fantasies by acquiring women’s bodies (or, more accurately, facsimiles of women’s bodies) through hormone therapy and genital surgery (Blanchard, 1993a, 1993b, 1993c) and by living as women. This theory can be seen as the logical extension of the widely accepted idea that transvestic fetishists cross-dress primarily because they are sexually aroused by (and love) the idea of wearing women’s clothing and impersonating women and want to actualize their transvestic fantasies through crossdressing. The concept of autogynephilia thus provides an answer to the question posed earlier: if the gender dysphoria that nonhomosexual MTF transsexuals experience cannot be attributed to the presence of female- typical behaviors, attitudes or interests, what can it be attributed to? The answer is: the desire of these transsexuals to actualize their autogynephilic feelings and ‘‘become what they love’’ and lust for.
Dr. J. Michael Bailey has very kindly offered to us, free of charge, the full text of his book, The Man Who Would be Queen. You may already be aware of the tremendous towering tizzy of transgender narcissistic rage that ensued upon the book’s publication in 2003. An army of anxious angry autogynephiles set out to UTTERLY DESTROY Dr. Bailey, not only in his professional life as chair of the psychology department at Northwestern University but even harassing his children and family with sexually-violent imagery and words. This book conveyed the notion of autogynephilia to the mainstream mass consciousness for the first time. Needless to say, an obsessed goon-squad of well-to-do middle-aged males (i.e. the cultish clique of paraphilic femininity fantasists) could not tolerate this book’s existence, and tried to kill it with fire.
It’s interesting to see how harshly the male transgenderites try to discredit autogynephilia, make it seem like a “bigoted” dirty joke. At the same time, you need only to read their own writings to see that autogynephilia is totally their driving force. Indeed, the vast majority of male transgenderites are hardcore autogynephiliacs. They cultivate their “female gender identity” and only develop it after endless sexualized cross-dressing. In other words, they are classic transvestite fetishists who in many cases have taken things too far.
A transgenderite sympathizer in San Francisco called Charles Moser decided to discredit autogynephilia by trying to show that real women have autogynephilia too. He also wanted to suggest that even if the cocks-in-frocks do have autogynephilia, it only means OMG they really are women!!1!!
Of course, women don’t have autogynephilia. This hasn’t stopped the male trans bros from squealing with delighted “feminine” giggles over Moser’s “findings” that “93% of women have autogynephilia.” They treat this study as though it were a proven scientific reality. However, it is about the weakest scientific evidence I’ve seen in a damn long time. It’s joke science, worthless!
Moser worked at a major hospital in San Francisco. He thought it would be a good idea to approach various women at the hospital to see what turned them on sexually.
“A convenience sample of female professional employees of an urban hospital was obtained. On two successive days in June, 2005, the questionnaire was distributed by the author, female staff members were approached in either the nurse’s station or staff lounge on several different floors during either day or evening shifts (weekdays).”
“Convenience sampling” is a methodology considered to be at extremely high risk of bias, and it would be absurd to generalize the responses of 29 female hospital employees in San Francisco to the general population. Moser approached and creepily handed out 51 intrusive questionnaires to women passing by, and got 29 back. The high 43% non-response rate makes it unlikely the responses even reflected the hospital’s female population. (Moser also admits: “Many individuals entered and left during the discussion of the project, so the exact number of individuals who heard the announcement of the study cannot be determined.”)
A crap and meaningless study! In addition to the high sampling bias, Moser’s questionnaire was designed really poorly:
Anne Lawrence wrote a critique in response to Moser’s study. Lawrence’s key points were as follows:
“Moser claimed to have documented at least occasional autogynephilic sexual arousal in 27 (93%) of 29 female hospital employees he surveyed, and frequent autogynephilic arousal in 8 (28%). However, many of the items in Moser’s scale bear little resemblance to the items Blanchard used to assess autogynephilia, and even those items that do bear some resemblance to Blanchard’s do not adequately assess the essential element of autogynephilia—sexual arousal simply to the thought of being a female — because they do not emphasize that element. Consequently, although Moser may have found something superficially resembling autogynephilia in women, there is little reason to think that he documented genuine autogynephilic arousal in women.”
If you see Lawrence’s comparison of the two scales (article below), you can get a sense of how crooked and/or stupid Moser must be. The dress-up boys sure love him, though.
Men like this used to be called “transvestites.” However, ever since “sex change operations” came along in the mid-20th century, researchers have noticed that a large proportion of men requesting estrogenic hormones and genital mutilation surgery have been these seemingly-normal straight dudes. This tendency has become even more pronounced since the internet appeared around 20 years ago.
These men have autogynephilia. This term was coined by Toronto clinician Ray Blanchard after many years’ experience working with male transgenderite patients. A man with autogynephilia becomes sexually aroused and totally obsessed by the thought of himself “being a woman.” It is an obsessive sexual kink called “erotictarget identity inversion,” in which men desire to impersonate or turn their bodies into facsimiles of the persons or things to which they are sexually attracted.
Although autogynephiles report longtime cross-dressing, nearly all of them will DENY, totally and forever, until the cows come home, that sexual kinks & thrills have ANYTHING to do with their “transition” to their “true feminine selves.”
NO WAY MAN! It’s all about “gender identity”! A woman trapped in a man’s body! You must disregard my apparently happy and successful male life, forget about all those kids I fathered and the women I got pregnant, forget about my male childhood and many decades of male socialization, forget about my normal male reproductive system and other normal male secondary sex characteristics, forget about my XY chromosomes, forget about my utter disregard throughout life for women’s rights or health or safety or well-being (and of course forget my physical, sexual, emotional, economic and other violence toward women!); forget about all of that stuff! No!!1!!1!! In reality I have always actually been a woman! I like the color pink! I have always enjoyed shopping! Imagine how I have suffered since I was “assigned male at birth” by evil doctors. And don’t you DARE suggest there is anything abnormal or kinky or erotic about me being a woman! I will DESTROY you if you even suggest such a thing! I’m a completely normal woman, and quite a good-looking one at that! You had better not “mis-gender” me either, or I’ll kick your ass and then sue you!
But: Let’s see what these men actually say about their own experience and behavior. In public, male trangender activists will deny that this is autogynephilia or that it has anything to do with their mimicry of “feminine” stereotypes, drastic genital mutilations and dangerous hormone intoxication.
From Anne Lawrence’s book, reporting narratives of anonymous transgenderite men who admit they get turned on by imaging themselves “as women” — these are just a few of the several hundred men interviewed:
I am 58 years old and a preoperative MtF transsexual. I began crossdressing when I was about age 7. I was especially sexually aroused wearing girdles and nylon stockings. By my mid-20s, I had very strong desires to dress as a female on a full-time basis and to attract attention as a sexy, feminine woman. I have worn sexy feminine fashions, especially bras, lingerie, pantyhose, short dresses, lace fashions, mini-skirts, high heels, etc., at home since my mid-20s. Wearing sexy lingerie, a bra, a girdle with nylon stockings or sensuous sheer pantyhose, and high heels, imagining myself as a female, still often sexually arouses me, leading to an erection, masturbation, and orgasm.
I am a transgender woman currently undergoing estrogen treatment. The fact that my body is feminizing is both a source of arousal and joy. My earlier “closet” phase involved the ritual of dressing as a normal woman: lingerie, nylons, dresses, shoes, etc., and applying full makeup and perfume and becoming so turned-on by my femme image in the mirror that the ritual often terminated in masturbation.
I began cross-dressing shortly after puberty in my older sister’s clothes. Later, I would occasionally borrow one of my wife’s dresses when she was out of town. I would always fantasize about women and assuming the role myself when dressed. And it was always an erotic experience. I have come to realize that for me, being a cross-dresser has not merely been the activity of a transvestite, but of a transsexual. The clothes themselves are but an adornment that allow me to take on the intended role. Just as “clothes make the man,” I feel they make the woman as well. A skirt or dress, because of its very construction, makes a woman vulnerable, which is a female attribute.
Wearing women’s clothing and feminizing my body has always been sexually exciting for me. Also, it was and still is sexually exciting for me to have female body functions. Before my sex reassignment surgery, I would pretend to menstruate by urinating in sanitary pads. I particularly enjoyed wearing the old-fashioned belted pads with long tabs.
Sound like someone you’ve heard about? Remember the part when Bruce describes being “caught” in his daughter’s bedroom? Disgusting, isn’t it.
These kinds of experiences are COMMON to all heterosexual men who claim to have “gender dysphoria” or to “identify as a woman” (sic). Yes, Bruce Jenner and all the rest. If you have a strong stomach, check out some of this disturbing autogynephilic insanity!
There are thousands of videos like these on the internet.
There is an epidemic of autogynephilia going on. It is completely real and nearly all male transgenderites have it, no matter how angrily they deny it, no matter how many internet posts they make saying “it was de-bunked long ago” (sic). A huge amount of evidence shows that most male transgenderists get a sexual thrill out of dressing up, out of being “perceived as a woman,” out of using women’s toilet facilities, out of replicating every kind of “feminine” stereotype and then insisting that everyone else play along. But they are deadly embarrassed to admit it!
Only in RARE cases will they ever admit it. An example of one honest autogynephile who admits it: Dr. Anne Lawrence is a male transgenderist autogynephile who lives “as a woman.” Dr. Lawrence has done much to keep autogynephilia in the public eye and in scientific discourse. This is really great and is a real service to people who are interested in reality. However, he is also part of the transgenderism/medical industry and believes wholeheartedly in the medicalized (surgically and hormonally mutilated) transgenderist lifestyle. I am glad for his work, but I hope he snaps out of it and sees the complete insanity of the autogynephile-driven research agenda, autogynephile-driven health policy-setting efforts and autogynephile-driven clinical practice.
Autogynephilic transgenderism is an example of men thinking that by obtaining “female body parts” and by replicating patriarchal stereotypes of “feminine” appearance and mannerisms, they can actually become women. The obsessive sexual thrill they get makes them believe the fantasy is real. It’s just men violating women’s bodies and boundaries as usual, same shit, different day. It has nothing to do with “gender identity.” That’s just the alibi.
Excerpt from the book, “The Man Who Would be Queen” (2003) by Dr. J. Michael Bailey (Professor of Psychology, Northwestern University, Chicago).
“Most gender patients lie,” says Maxine Petersen, the ace gender clinician at the Clarke Psychiatric Institute. . . .
The most common way that autogynephiles mislead others is by denying the erotic component of their gender bending. For example, when “Stephanie” Braverman lectures to my human sexuality class, she does not even mention her history of masturbating while cross-dressed. When I spoke at a meeting of Chicago cross-dressers, the men became clearly uncomfortable when I brought up the erotic component of their activity, preferring instead to attribute it to their inner femininity. When I pointed this out, one cross-dresser said “I wear feminine clothing because I feel feminine, and I can’t help getting aroused because the clothes are sexy. Any man would.”
I don’t think so. But you can judge. Here is one of the passages that aroused the cross-dressers in Blanchard’s study. See if you think it is sexy.
“You have plenty of time to dress this evening. You slip your panties over your ankles and pull them up too your waist. Sitting on the edge of your bed, you put on a pair of sheer nylon stockings. You fasten the stockings with the snaps of your lacy garter belt. You slip your arms through the straps of your brassiere and reach behind you to fasten it. You put on your eye shadow, mascara, and lipstick. Lying on your bed, you look up at your reflection in the large mirror on the ceiling.”
Why do some autogynephiles deny the sexual component of their condition? One reason, again, is the real or imagined treatment implications. Some psychiatrists refuse to recommend for sex reassignment any man who has had even one incident of erotic cross-dressing. But this fear surely cannot explain the resistance of “Stephanie” Braverman and the cross-dressers at the meeting-they are not trying to become women.
Perhaps the major reason is shame and assumed social reaction. The physician Harry Benjamin, who popularized the word “transsexual,” noticed early on that cross-dressers, and especially cross-dressers in organizations trying to influence the public, tend to de-emphasize the erotic element. He suggested that they do this in order to be more accepted by others. Today, public statements by those who call themselves “transgendered” (who are almost all autogynephiles rather than homosexual transsexuals) rarely acknowledge any erotic component of “transgenderism.”
There is also a more personal motivation to deny the erotic component of autogynephilia. Anne Lawrence put it this way:
I imagine most men would be humiliated to admit that dressing in women’s clothing is a sexual kick, and even more humiliated to admit that doing so, or fantasizing doing so, is obligatory for climax some or all of the time. Just dressing in women’s clothing is shameful enough; but having one’s sexual potency contingent upon such an unmanly, “ridiculous” crutch would be almost impossible to admit. Moreover, for anyone who thinks about it, the whole experience of reliance on paraphilic behavior or fantasy for arousal is rather tragic and lonely: it cuts one off from intimate contact during partnered sex, because one is (at least mentally) often making love to oneself rather than to one’s partner. Better not to admit this to anyone–especially to one’s wife. I think that if the wives of heterosexual cross-dressers knew what their husbands were really thinking about at the moment of climax, they would be appalled. (Of course, this might apply to the wives of other straight men as well; but it’s one thing to learn he’s fantasizing about making love to Claudia Schiffer, and another to learn he’s fantasizing about being forced to wear a French maid’s outfit.) On the other hand, to attribute one’s cross-dressing to a desire to express one’s “feminine side” is much more acceptable. Though the behavior may still appear ridiculous, the putative rationale allows the cross-dresser to portray himself as multi-faceted, courageous, and even empathic with his spouse. That’s a far easier script for most men to follow.
In my experience, most lay people are happy to accept the “I’m a woman in a man’s body” narrative, and don’t really want to know about autogynephilia-even though the preferred narrative is misleading and it is impossible to understand nonhomosexual transsexualism without autogynephilia. When I have tried to educate journalists who have called me as an expert on transsexualism, they have reacted uncomfortably. One said: “We just can’t put that into a family newspaper.” Perhaps not, but then, they can’t print the truth.
There is one more reason why many autogynephiles provide misleading information about themselves that is different than outright lying. It has to do with obsession. Something about autogynephilia creates a need not only to enact a feminine self, but also to actually believe in her. It seems important to them to emphasize the permanence of the feminine self as well as her primacy: “I was always feminine, I just managed to hide it. I became a Green Beret as a defensive response to my femininity.” In such accounts, the feminine self is the real self; the masculine self is the creation. (I have been arguing that the opposite is closer to the truth.) Intersexuality refers to congenital conditions in which biological sex is ambiguous, usually due to hormonal or genetic problems. Cheryl Chase, the intersex activist, told me that transsexuals frequently join intersex groups because they are convinced that they are also intersexual. In most cases, they are not. I assume that these are autogynephilic transsexuals who want to believe that there is a real biological woman inside them as well as a real psychological woman.
The self-presentational deceptiveness of some autogynephiles is a main reason why autogynephilia was not understood until recently. Many clinicians-even some who write books-have taken the information that transsexuals tell them at face value. I recently attended a talk by a well-known psychologist at an academic sex conference in which she presented a case that was clearly autogynephilic (he’d been married and was in his late 40s, among other signs). However, she spoke not one word about her patient’s sexual fantasies, dwelling instead on the usual “woman trapped in man’s body” story. Blanchard’s ideas have not yet received the widespread attention they deserve, in large part because sex researchers are not as scholarly as they should be and so don’t know how to read the current scientific journals.
Excerpt from: Lawrence AA. Autogynephilia: A Paraphilic Model of Gender Identity Disorder. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy 10/2008; 8(1).
Blanchard’s theory of autogynephilia helps to explain several otherwise puzzling observations about MtF transsexualism.
First, it convincingly explains why some men who are attracted to women, who have been fairly successful as men, and who appear unremarkably masculine would wish to undergo sex reassignment. Why would men who have been successful fighter pilots, construction workers, or captains of industry—men who seem not the least bit feminine, and who appear entirely comfortable being men—want to undergo sex reassignment? Attributing this solely to some long-hidden inner femininity might seem implausible. But if these individuals found the idea of being a woman sexually appealing, then their motivation would be easier to understand. The phenomenon of a middle-aged man risking his career, his reputation, and his marriage for the sake of a sexual obsession is well known. By proposing that certain types of MtF transsexualism can have sexual motivations, rather than (or in addition to) gender motivations, Blanchard’s autogynephilia theory helps to explain this phenomenon.
Second, Blanchard’s theory helps to explain the relationship between transsexualism and transvestism. Transvestism is considered to be a paraphilia, or unusual pattern of sexual arousal, in the DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and has always been classified as such in the DSM. However, clinicians have long recognized that some men who previously considered themselves transvestites eventually decide to seek sex re-assignment surgery (SRS) and live full-time as women. If transvestism is purely an erotic phenomenon and transsexualism is purely a gender identity phenomenon, then there is no obvious explanation for this progression. But if both transvestism and some forms of MtF transsexualism are manifestations of autogynephilia—an erotic condition that also influences gender identity—then this progression is explained convincingly.
Third, Blanchard’s autogynephilia theory helps explain why transvestism and transsexualism are often associated with other unusual erotic interests. Sexual scientists have observed for decades that unusual sexual interests— sadomasochism, bondage, autoerotic asphyxia, interest in leather and rubber, exhibitionism, voyeurism, infantilism, pedophilia—frequently do not occur in isolation, but instead tend to co-occur. Males who have one unusual sexual interest are far more likely to have one or more other unusual sexual interests than would be expected simply by chance (Abel & Osborn, 1992; Wilson & Gosselin, 1980). And other unusual erotic interests are very common among transvestites and some MtF transsexuals. Wilson and Gosselin (1980) found that 63% of their sample of transvestites and transsexuals also described fetishistic or sadomasochistic interests. Blanchard and Hucker (1991) reported that transvestism accompanied many cases of autoerotic asphyxia. Abel and Osborn (1992) documented the co-occurrence of transvestism and transsexualism with other paraphilias. If transsexualism and transvestism are purely gender-identity-based phenomena, then these associations makes no sense. But if transsexualism and transvestism sometimes represent unusual sexual interests—as Blanchard’s autogynephilia theory proposes—then their association with other uncommon sexual interests does make sense.
Finally, the concept of autogynephilia helps to explain the unusual sexual fantasies that some transvestites and MtF transsexuals have concerning men, and the late development of sexual interest in male partners by some MtF transsexuals. Many heterosexual transvestites and formerly heterosexual MtF transsexuals have sexual fantasies about men, but usually these are not quite like the fantasies of genuine androphiles (Blanchard, 1989b). In the transsexual and transvestite fantasies, there is little emphasis on the specific characteristics of the imagined male partner. Often the imagined partner is faceless or quite abstract, and seems to be present primarily to validate the femininity of the person having the fantasy, rather than as a desirable partner in his own right (Blanchard, 1991). It is also fairly common for heterosexual transvestites to engage in sex with men when cross-dressed. Why don’t they do this at other times? Apparently, because the attraction is not to the male partner per se, but to the way in which acting like a woman in relationship to a man is sexually gratifying. Autogynephilia also explains why some transsexuals who were never interested in having sex with men before transition develop this interest after undergoing SRS. It is not because they have miraculously changed their underlying sexual orientation and now find men’s bodies arousing. Rather, it is because they can finally actualize their autogynephilic fantasy of having sex with a male.
It describes neural desensitization to dopamine, or in other words the way that in addiction, the brain develops a tolerance for things that used to make it feel good — thus requiring ever-higher levels of stimulation
It describes the impact of the ever-more-extreme porn web sites on the brains of porn addicts.
Instead of (or in addition to) the porn references, think about this passage in the context of autogynephilic cross-dressing:
Until recently, scientists believed our brains were fixed, their circuits formed and finalised in childhood, or “hardwired”. Now we know the brain is “neuroplastic”, and not only can it change, but that it works by changing its structure in response to repeated mental experience.
One key driver of plastic change is the reward centre, which normally fires as we accomplish a goal. A brain chemical, dopamine, is released, giving us the thrill that goes with accomplishment. It also consolidates the connections between neurons in the brain that helped us accomplish that goal. As well, dopamine is secreted at moments of sexual excitement and novelty. Porn scenes, filled with novel sexual “partners”, fire the reward centre. The images get reinforced, altering the user’s sexual tastes.
Many abused substances directly trigger dopamine secretion – without us having to work to accomplish a goal. This can damage the dopamine reward system. In porn, we get “sex” without the work of courtship. Now, scans show that porn can alter the reward centre too.
Once the reward centre is altered, a person will compulsively seek out the activity or place that triggered the dopamine discharge. (Like addicts who get excited passing the alley where they first tried cocaine, the patients got excited thinking about their computers.) They crave despite negative consequences. (This is why those patients could crave porn without liking it.) Worse, over time, a damaged dopamine system makes one more “tolerant” to the activity and needing more stimulation, to get the rush and quiet the craving. “Tolerance” drives a search for ramped-up stimulation, and this can drive the change in sexual tastes towards the extreme.
I reckon that autogynephilic cross-dressing, and the “transitioning” that seems increasingly to be the norm with male transgenderists over the past 20 years, is a reflection of both dopamine desensitization, and the thousands of web sites promoting transsexualism. There seems to be a synergy between the two. Society’s manufactured “acceptance” and the media’s promotion of the “gender identity” agenda have made this latest brand of misogyny even more widespread.
Autogynephilia has an obsessive component to it. It is an addiction. The “natural history” (if I may call it that) of autogynephilia’s course bears strong similarities to that of drug addiction, from “just once” to the eventual ravaged body. At first, it is relaxing and feels good. Soon, simply cross-dressing + masturbation secretly at home is no longer enough, he must now go shopping while cross-dressed. He must now try to get his wife or girlfriend involved with his fantasies. He must leave his family behind to follow his transgender destiny. He must keep experimenting and pushing limits and finally decide he is a transsexual and needs unnecessary and dangerous major surgery, and absolutely must mustmust have his balls chopped off, maybe even obtain a fake vagina and fake breasts and perhaps even “facial feminization surgery” through massive medical manipulations. He must now viciously and violently attack any woman who suggests that he is not actually a woman, in addition to any other vicious and violent attacks he may be making on women. Over time, the simple pleasures no longer suffice. Everything must be taken past limits that previously seemed extreme.
Until we had the internet, I think most autogynephiles never got very far in that progression. The fact is that nowadays, most male transvestites will eventually “transition” to a fully Frankensteinian man-made fake female, pumped up with estrogen like a Thanksgiving turkey and going through horrifically intense surgical procedures despite starting out with a healthy body.
Cross-dressing and “sex-change operations” were around, of course, long before the world wide web became popular in the mid-1990s. However, with the rise of the web, and as autogynephiles began making numerous web sites about their faux-female follies, the incidence of men making the leap to actually “transitioning” and taking hormones and having various surgeries (or just announcing they are now “women” without these) has increased dramatically. Transgenderism has ejaculated itself full-force into mainstream misogyny, and it is probably difficult anymore to find a supposedly-normal-heterosexual male who doesn’t at least have a little stash of lingerie and some red high-heels.
In the late ’90s, when the Web was somewhat new:
There were tons of “personal experience” web sites on Geocities, Tripod and other free web site services, each packed with pink fairy sparkles, seizure-inducing flashing hearts, daisies, roses, unicorns, cotton candy and other demonstrable proofs of being a woman trapped in a man’s body. These feature exceptionally narcissistic transgender ruminations, and grotesquely embarrassing photography.
All these years later, there are vastly more transgender web sites, message boards of every kind. Transgenderism is actually being promoted from the White House down to kindergarten. Men who in the old days might never have gone beyond wearing women’s panties under their jeans while chain-sawing an ancient redwood tree or shooting a beautiful elk in the mountains are now glued to their screens choosing surgeons for “the operation.” The whole mass media has become an inescapable, hyper-dimensional tranny-porn & self-hatred movie designed to entice everyone into transsexualism, men, women, children, anyone.
Dopamine desensitization in autogynephilia and the proliferation of tranny-oriented web sites in the past 20 years has led to a dramatic increase in the incidence of men “transitioning” into fake women.
This increase has led to the manufactured societal “acceptance” of “gender identity” and other novel forms of misogyny.
The number of gender reassignment surgeries carried yearly on the NHS[the UK’s National Health Service] has tripled since 2000, figures show. In 2000, 54 surgeries were carried out, compared with 143 in 2009, the Daily Telegraph reports. Since 2000, a total of 853 trans women and 12 trans men had state-funded surgery to change sex. However, the true number of transgender people is estimated to be far higher, as many do not wish to undergo painful or complex surgery, or are unable to access it. The average age for trans women to undergo surgery is 42 and only one NHS operation has been carried out on a person under 21 in the last nine years.
SECOND UPDATE, SEPTEMBER 2015: I don’t even want to think about how many surgeries they’re doing nowadays, including on teenagers. Massively more, I am sure.
Why is that so many men with the obsessive, autogynephiliac fantasy that they are “women trapped in men’s bodies” decide to bail out on their marriages, especially when they have young children at home? Why do they think that their kinky fetishizing is more important than their families’ well-being?
They are EXTREME NARCISSISTS. Their “gender identity” is based on erotic fantasies of themselves “as women” and masturbation! Nice “identity”!
This happens plenty often when there aren’t any children in the family. It also happens when the children are grown up. Very often, though, it seems that there are kids still living at home.
Sometimes these men leave their families completely; other times they put their families through the torture of “trying to make it work,” which seldom turns out well because the real woman in the marriage doesn’t want to fulfill the man’s fantasy of becoming a “lesbian,” help him go shopping, etc. and it’s usually not too long anyway before the dude is out looking for a boyfriend who will sweep him off his high-heeled size 13 feet in a whirlwind romantic adventure of epic sex role stereotyping. Until that happens, though, he usually claims that everything is really great and the family has adjusted well.
It’s a horrible experience for his wife, whether or not there are children. The young children of the tranny-man must also really be traumatized by his insane actions and behavior. Here are a few examples of these disgraceful fathers.
My need for transition
Why do I enjoy shopping in the women’s department? Why do I love dresses so much? Why am I so very feminine in my perceptions of myself? Why do I still love to look at myself in the mirror with a dress on and why do I have this overwhelming need to wear dresses and women’s clothing? Why did I suppress it so much and deny this part of myself? Why after all these years am I still dealing with this a seemingly innocent act of trying on one item of my sister’s clothing that has become a main focus in my life. Why do I feel I am a woman? I wish I had the answers. All I know is that I have feelings that are more common to girls. I feel I am a teenage girl looking forward to blossoming and enjoying becoming a young woman. These are strange words to hear from a middle aged male who is a husband and a father and has a life with responsibility and great pressure. I am not looking to escape. In fact I want to keep my family intact and still maintain my responsibility and still provide the love I have in my heart for both my wife and son. I have such tremendous feelings of guilt and I just don’t know what to do but I know if I don’t consider addressing these feelings and staying true to the course of transitioning I most certainly will die. I can not keep denying myself this wonderful gift of femininity. I need help and support and encouragement. I went for way too long hiding this and denying it and now I feel the floodgates have opened and it is my time. It is what I have always wanted in my life. The opportunity to express the true me. If I can’t do this then I will most certainly give up my hope of ever finding happiness and understanding who I am.
My husband’s sex change
He didn’t seem the same. He didn’t act the same. His values seemed to change along with his personality.
“What if you knew that doing this would destroy one or all of the children?” I asked him. Ice cold, the man I had once thought a wonderful father replied, “I would do it anyway.”
Of birthdays and presents
Sunday marked my first Second Birthday. It was the anniversary of my first time out in public as my true self. I celebrated by wearing my one and only pair of Victoria’s Secret panties, jeans and a plain T shirt. Then I got a large piece of my birthday cake from my other birthday. I sat down and watched the documentary ‘American Transgender” which I had recorded. The Itty Bitty Titty fairy also brought me a gift, sore and itchy boobs.
Later in the day we took the dog and the kids to the church carnival.
It’s called Fiesta with Friends. But this year it wasn’t much of a fiesta. We couldn’t pinpoint why but none of us felt any energy and excitement. Our boys had even gotten free tickets for the rides that they didn’t feel like using. Even the weather wouldn’t cooperate. It was overcast and grey. The only bright spot was our Corgi. It seemed like everyone had to come over and pet him.
I decided later that this carnival signified the end of part of all our lives. My daughter graduates high school and my older son moves on to a high school but one closer to our new home. We are pulling our youngest son out of the school because of the bullying and our increasing dissatisfaction with how the school has been run the last few years.
Don’t fight your true will
And, slowly, something strange happened. —I’m back home again, my real home where I belong—with my wife and children. My wife and I are more in love than we’ve ever been I believe. I’m home again and my wife and children accept me just as I am: as a woman. I’d not have believed that possible when I first returned to town.
I’ve been full-time about three months. I’ve been on hormones 9 weeks. The morning I voted in the presidential election, two days ago now, I overheard a hushed conversation: “That person’s name is ?!” Like they could not believe I was born in a male body.
But I had just showered and cleaned up—and I looked good.
In short, autogynephilic eroticism, as evidenced by erotic cross-dressing, precedes cross-gender identity by years or decades in nonhomosexual MtF transsexuals. These transsexuals do not have female core gender identities nor do they have well developed cross-gender identities that precede and act as the driving force behind their desires to turn their bodies into facsimiles of women’s bodies. Rather, nonhomosexual MtF transsexuals gradually develop cross-gender identities after years or decades of erotic cross-dressing, accompanied by the autogynephilic wish to turn their bodies into facsimiles of women’s bodies. In this sense, cross-gender identity in nonhomosexual MtF transsexuals is a secondary phenomenon or epiphenomenon.
One of the most important contributions made by Dreger’s article is her description of the extraordinary lengths to which some of Bailey’s male-to-female (MtF) transsexual opponents went in their attempts to discredit him, his book, and his ideas. By Dreger’s account, their campaign against Bailey continued for at least two years after the publication of The Man Who Would Be Queen (TMWWBQ; Bailey, 2003). Examination of the Internet sites maintained by some of Bailey’s principal transsexual opponents suggests that the campaign against him remains ongoing. The attacks, as described by Dreger, went far beyond writing scathing reviews of TMWWBQ. They included orchestration of charges of professional misconduct against Bailey, filed with Northwestern University and the Illinois Department of Professional Regulation; attempts to turn Bailey’s colleagues against him; attacks directed against Bailey’s children; and efforts to discredit or silence nearly anyone who openly supported him. Dreger’s article suggests that many of Bailey’s opponents intended not only to discredit Bailey’s book, but also to destroy its author. The duration, intensity, and sheer savagery of the campaign waged by many of Bailey’s MtF transsexual opponents is astonishing, especially given that Bailey’s book sold only about 4200 copies and probably would have received little attention, in either its print or Internet versions, were it not for the publicity that his opponents themselves created. One could imagine that Kohut (1972) was describing the campaign conducted by some of Bailey’s MtF transsexual opponents when he wrote the following:
[There is a] need for revenge, for righting a wrong, for undoing a hurt by whatever means, and a deeply anchored, unrelenting compulsion in pursuit of all these aims…. There is utter disregard for reasonable limitations and a boundless wish to redress an injury and to obtain revenge…. The fanaticism of the need for revenge and the unending compulsion of having to square the account after an offense are…not the attributes of an aggressivity which is integrated with the mature purposes of the ego…. Aggressions employed in the pursuit of maturely experienced causes are not limitless…. The narcissistically injured [person], on the other hand, cannot rest until he has blotted out [the]…offender who dared to oppose him, [or] to disagree with him. (pp. 380, 382, 385) These excerpts are taken from Kohut’s description of narcissistic rage, a concept that I believe is central to understanding many of the attacks against Bailey and their implications.
Autogynephilia is defined as a male’s propensity to be sexually aroused by the thought of himself as a female. It is the paraphilia that is theorized to underlie transvestism and some forms of male-to-female (MtF) transsexualism. Autogynephilia encompasses sexual arousal with cross-dressing and cross-gender expression that does not involve women’s clothing per se. The concept of autogynephilia defines a typology of MtF transsexualism and offers a theory of motivation for one type of MtF transsexualism. Autogynephilia resembles a sexual orientation in that it involves elements of idealization and attachment as well as erotic desire. Nearly 3% of men in Western countries may experience autogynephilia; its most severe manifestation, MtF transsexualism, is rare but increasing in prevalence. Some theorists and clinicians reject the transsexual typology and theory of motivation derived from autogynephilia; their objections suggest a need for additional research. The concept of autogynephilia can assist clinicians in understanding some otherwise puzzling manifestations of nonhomosexual MtF transsexualism. Autogynephilia exemplifies an unusual paraphilic category called ‘erotic target identity inversions’, in which men desire to impersonate or turn their bodies into facsimiles of the persons or things to which they are sexually attracted.
Finally, and I think most important, there are more male-to-constructed-female transsexuals because men are socialized to fetishize and objectify. The same socialization that enables men to objectify women in rape, pornography, and “drag” enables them to objectify their own bodies. In the case of the male transsexual, the penis is seen as a “thing” to be gotten rid of. Female body parts, specifically the female genitalia, are “things” to be acquired. Men have always fetishized women’s genitals. Breasts, legs, buttocks are all parts of a cultural fixation that reduces women not even to a whole objectified nude body but rather to fetishized parts of the female torso. The Venus de Milo symbolizes this as well as the fact that it has never been restored to its original integrity. “Cunt, ” “ass, ” “getting one’s rocks off, ” “balling, ” are all sexist slogans of this fetishized worldview where even “chicks” and “broads” are reduced to the barest essentials. Male-to-constructed-female transsexualism is only one more relatively recent variation on this theme where the female genitalia are completely separated from the biological woman and, through surgery, come to be dominated by incorporation into the biological man. Transsexualism is thus the ultimate, and we might even say the logical, conclusion of male possession of women in a patriarchal society. Literally, men here possess women.
Definitions of fetishism are revealing in this context. Webster’s Dictionary defines fetish in several ways: First, as an object believed among a primitive people to have magical power to protect or aid its owner; broadly: a material object regarded with superstitious or extravagant trust or reverence; an object of irrational reverence or obsessive devotion; an object or bodily part whose real or fantasied presence is psychologically necessary for sexual gratification and that is an object of fixation to the extent that it may interfere with complete sexual expression. Second, as a rite or cult of fetish worshipers. Third, fetish is simply defined as fixation. From these definitions, it is clear that the process of fetishization has two sides: objectification, and what might be referred to as worship in the widest sense. Objectification is largely accomplished by a process of fragmentation. The fetish is the fragmented part taken away from the whole, or better, the fetish is seen to contain the whole. It represents an attempt to grasp the whole. For example, breasts and legs in our society are fetish objects containing the essence of femaleness. Thus the fetish contains and by containing controls.
However, the other side of fetishization is worship or reverence for the fetish object. In primitive religions, fetish objects were worshiped because people were afraid of the power they were seen to contain. Therefore primitive peoples sought to control the power of the fetish by worshiping it and in so doing they confined it to its “rightful place. ” There was a recognition of a power that people felt they lacked and a constant quest in ceremonies and cults to invest themselves with the power of the fetish object. Thus to worship was also to control. In this way, objectification and worship are two sides of the same coin. In this sense transsexualism is fetishization par excellence— a twisted recognition on the part of some men of the creative capacities of the female spirit as symbolized and incarnated in the usurped female biology. This usurpation of female biology, of course, is limited to the artifacts of female biology (silicone breast implants, exogenous estrogen therapy, artificial vaginas, etc. ) that modem medicine has surgically and hormonally created. Thus transsexual fetishization is further limited not even to the real parts of the real whole, but to the artifactual parts of the artifactual whole.
There is no such thing as a “woman trapped in a man’s body.” This is a fantasy that men use to excuse their behavior because they don’t want to admit they’re sexually aroused by the thought of themselves dressed and behaving stereotypically “as women.” Heterosexual males who claim to be “transgender” or “transsexual” are really in the throes of passionate autogynephilia, “a male’s propensity to be attracted to the thought or image of himself as a woman.” This is most commonly expressed in the form of fetishistic cross-dressing, though there are variations and degrees. Men who decide to “transition” (i.e. transsexuals) are those who have been caught up in all the sexy excitement. The fantasy becomes sort of a fixed idea that takes over everyday life. With the encouragement of their doctors and shrinks (which is always part of the fantasy), these men take the fantasy too far.
No matter how badly their wives and children may be hurt by it (and it’s amazing how often there are young children in these families), these guys are unstoppable and will renounce their families and traumatize their young kids, just for the chance to mutilate their bodies and imitate cartoonish images of women and pierce the veil of (i.e. rape) real women’s space and hang out with other dudes with similar sexy interests and wear wigs on top of their damn bald heads every day and constantly have to shave their faces, arms, chests, backs etc in a usually-futile effort to “pass” as a woman. They insist that they really are women, just because they say so and have taken estrogen and/or had various unnecessary surgeries, or even just because they say so. These men are so obsessed that they rant with extreme shrillness and violent posturing about “zomg haet crimez11!1!!” if anyone calmly tells them what’s really going on in their confused autogynephiliac minds. It is profoundly embarrassing for these fellows to really look within and own the fact that they get a boner (or used to get a boner) when they imagined themselves prancing around in prom gowns or being “forcibly feminized” or using the women’s toilet in a shopping mall while dressed “en femme” (tee-hee!) or taking a walk around the suburban neighborhood at 3 am wearing red high-heels.
A COMMON UNDERSTANDING OF male-to-female transsexualism is that all MtF transsexuals are, essentially, women trapped in men’s bodies. The standard narrative of men who become women goes something like this: “I have always felt that I was born in the wrong body. I have always been feminine in my interests and feelings. My desire to change sex is about my gender identity and not my sexuality.” This narrative, which Dreger (2007) has termed “the feminine essence narrative,” represents both what most laypeople believe to be true as well as what transsexuals are likely to say publicly. The narrative has been extended to an etiological theory, which Lawrence (2007b) has called “the brainsex theory of transsexualism. ” The transsexual advocacy website, transsexual.org, puts this theory succinctly: “A transsexual is a person in which the sex-related structures of the brain that define gender identity are exactly opposite the physical sex organs of the body. ”
The standard, feminine essence narrative, and the associated brain-sex theory, are incorrect, in the sense that they do not represent reality, even if they do correspond with many transsexual individuals’ beliefs and identities. The best scientific evidence (discussed below) indicates that there are two distinct subtypes of MtF transsexuals, and that the feminine essence narrative at best approximates the life history of only one subtype. Paradoxically, this explanation of MtF transsexualism persists because it is the explanation preferred by the other subtype, to which it does not apply at all. The popularity of the feminine essence narrative reflects factors other than the strength of scientific support. Its persistence has likely had negative consequences for both science and transsexuals themselves. .
Two Kinds of Male-to-Female Transsexuals
The classification system of MtF transsexuals that we believe to be correct was developed by the psychologist Ray Blanchard in a series of studies conducted at the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto and published between 1985 and 1995. (Blanchard’s relevant oeuvre includes more than 20 articles; we provide only a summary of his conclusions.) Blanchard’s studies reported data on hundreds of transsexual males (that is, males who hoped to become or had become women), as well as other individuals who were male with respect to birth sex and did not desire sex reassignment surgery, but who sometimes presented themselves, or thought of themselves, as female. Participants in these studies were representative of gender patients in Canada, and were probably also quite similar to patients seen in the United States and Western Europe. Blanchard’s goal was to make sense out of the diversity of patients that gender clinics saw.
With respect to sexual orientation, Blanchard studied four groups of seemingly diverse male participants: homosexual (entirely attracted to other males), bisexual, heterosexual, and asexual. In three key studies, Blanchard (1985, 1988, 1989a) showed that homosexual transsexuals were different in a number of respects from members of the three other groups, and that members of the latter groups did not differ much among themselves. These differences included age of presentation at the gender clinic, history of childhood femininity, and most importantly, history of erotic arousal in association with cross-dressing and crossgender fantasy. These findings supported the division of MtF transsexualism into two types: homosexual and non-homosexual. Blanchard’s work provided a parsimonious and compelling taxonomy for the apparent sexual diversity among MtF transsexuals, reducing the four types of MtF transsexuals to two fundamentally distinct subtypes.
Autogynephilic Male-to-Female Transsexualism. Arguably, Blanchard’s most important contribution was recognizing and elaborating the phenomenon that united the three non-homosexual transsexual subtypes: autogynephilia. Autogynephilia is “a male’s propensity to be attracted to the thought or image of himself as a woman” (Blanchard 2005). One common manifestation of autogynephilia is fetishistic cross-dressing, which is an extremely common antecedent to seeking sex reassignment among non-homosexual (but not homosexual) transsexuals (Blanchard, Clemmensen, and Steiner 1987). Some autogynephilic individuals, however, do not cross-dress fetishistically. Indeed, a seminal case in Blanchard’s conceptualization was “Philip,” who did not cross-dress but fantasized sexually about being a nude woman by focusing on desired anatomical features (Blanchard 1991). Autogynephilia may be conceived as inner-directed heterosexuality. That is, autogynephilic males are like heterosexual men, except that their primary sexual attraction is to the image or idea of themselves as women.
Blanchard hypothesized that non-homosexual transsexuals are motivated by autogynephilia. That is, non-homosexual transsexuals experience erotic arousal at the idea of becoming a woman, and this arousal motivates them to become women. (We agree with Lawrence’s recent theoretical modification [2007a] hypothesizing that romantic attachment can play an important role in some cases. It is probable, however, that such attachment is usually preceded by substantial erotic arousal to the idea of being a woman. )
Not all autogynephilic males become transsexuals. Autogynephilic interests run a gamut from cross-dressing to engaging in stereotypic female activities (e. g. , knitting alongside other women) to possessing female breasts and genitalia. It is the latter interest that is most strongly associated with autogynephilic transsexualism (Blanchard 1993b). Other than the precise nature of their autogynephilic fantasy, there is no obvious difference between non-homosexual crossdressers who will become transsexuals and those who will not. They are all autogynephiles. Blanchard’s work also clarified the diversity of self-reported sexual orientations among non-homosexual transsexuals (Blanchard 1989a). Autogynephilia (inner-directed heterosexuality) appears to compete with outward-directed heterosexuality. Many autogynephilic transsexuals experience enough outward directed heterosexuality to label themselves as heterosexual pre- transition. Those whose autogynephilia is strong enough that they experience no other-directed sexual feelings identify as asexual. Finally, a common aspect of autogynephilia is the erotic fantasy of being admired, in the female persona, by another person.
Autogynephiles for whom this fantasy is sufficiently strong tend to identify as bisexual. However, this bisexuality is not characterized by equal or even similar kinds of attraction to male and female bodies. Blanchard (1989b) thus suggests that it be characterized as “pseudobisexuality. ” Autogynephilia appears to be a paraphilia. Paraphilias are unusual, intense, and persistent erotic interests. The concept of paraphilia is a controversial one, with some arguing that it is merely a word used to stigmatize sexual behavior that most people find undesirable (Moser 2001). Some paraphilias (e. g. , pedophilia and sadism) are harmful to other people, while others (e. g. , autogynephilia and fetishism) are not. Two non-obvious facts about paraphilias suggest that the label paraphilia may represent more than a mere value judgment. First, paraphilias are found nearly exclusively in males (APA 2000, p. 568). Second, at least some paraphilias tend to occur together. Autogynephilia, for example, appears to be correlated with other paraphilias, especially masochism (Lawrence 2006). Advertisements of dominatrixes frequently offer services to cross-dressers, and autogynephilic males are more likely than other males to become sexually aroused to stimuli depicting masochistic themes (Chivers and Blanchard 1996; Wilson and Gosselin 1980). Of men who die practicing the dangerous masochistic activity of autoerotic asphyxia, approximately 25% are cross-dressed, a much higher percentage than one would expect based on the number of non-homosexual crossdressers in the general population (Blanchard and Hucker 1991).
Homosexual Male-to-Female Transsexualism. Homosexual MtF transsexuals are much easier than autogynephilic transsexuals for most people to comprehend. Homosexual transsexuals are best understood as a subset of homosexual males who were very feminine from early childhood. In some ways, then, they do appear to fit the feminine essence narrative: they had male bodies as children, but behaviorally and psychologically they were different, in some respects, from typical boys and more similar to typical girls. Most males who begin life as extremely feminine boys, even those whose femininity includes the wish to become girls, do not become transsexual. In the contemporary United States, most become homosexual men (Bailey and Zucker 1995; Green 1987; Zuger 1984). Homosexual MtF transsexuals, in contrast, persist in their wish to become female (Bailey 2003; Blanchard 1990). The reasons for this atypical persistence are unclear. However, these individuals often have a difficult time socially, romantically, and sexually, and their transition appears to be largely motivated by a desire to improve their lives in these domains.
As their label implies, homosexual MtF transsexuals are homosexual with respect to their birth sex. That is, they are attracted exclusively to men. Although some writers have objected to the use of the word homosexual to refer to individuals who have sex with men as women (e. g. , Gooren 2006),we retain the terminology because it emphasizes the fact that homosexual MtFs are a subset of, and developmentally related to, other homosexual males. Furthermore, it emphasizes the most efficient and practical way of distinguishing homosexual and autogynephilic transsexuals. Homosexual transsexuals are unambiguously, exclusively and intensely attracted to attractive men; autogynephilic transsexuals have some other pattern of sexual attraction. That is, an MtF transsexual who reports attraction to both men and women, or a history of sexual attraction to women, or considerable sexual experience with women, or attraction to neither men nor women—any clearly non-homosexual pattern—is almost certainly autogynephilic (Blanchard 1989a; Blanchard, Clemmensen, and Steiner 1987).
Evidence for the Feminine Essence Narrative and Brain-Sex Theory
The main theory competing with Blanchard’s theory of MtF classification is the theory that all MtF transsexuals have a (probably innate) female gender identity. By this theory, homosexual and non-homosexual transsexuals have different sexual orientations because sexual orientation and gender identity are distinct, perhaps even uncorrelated, phenomena. Both homosexual and non-homosexual transsexuals share the same psychological condition, female gender identity, which they experience in similar ways. Furthermore, both kinds of transsexuals, as well as natal women, have in common neural circuitry that differs from that of nontranssexual men, and that causes female gender identity.
Transsexual Narratives. The claim that MtF transsexuals are “women trapped in men’s bodies” is commonly made both by and about transsexuals. The evidentiary value of such claims depends on their plausibility and the lack of alternative, more plausible explanations. Non-homosexual MtF transsexuals are not especially feminine in their interests and behaviors compared with most women (Herman-Jeglínska, Grabowska, and Dulko 2002; Lippa 2001) or with homosexual MtF transsexuals (Bailey 2003; Blanchard 1988). Furthermore, they often acknowledge autogynephilia (Lawrence 2005), such as fetishistic cross-dressing (in contrast to most women and homosexual MtF transsexuals [APA 2000; Blanchard, Clemensen, and Steiner 1987]). Thus, the contention that women and all MtF transsexuals have feminine minds that motivate their feminine identification strikes us as implausible.
The Transsexual Brain Studies. In 1995, Zhou et al. described a sex difference in the size of a brain region, the central subdivision of the bed nucleus of the stria terminalis (BSTc), a collection of cells in the hypothalamus. This article included data from the brains of six MtF transsexuals, whose BSTc volumes were female-typical. A follow-up paper by Kruijver et al. (2000) added another MtF transsexual’s brain and confirmed the earlier finding using different measurement techniques.
These studies have been widely touted by transsexual activists as supporting the brain-sex theory of MtF transsexualism. Furthermore, a remarkable statement by the British group, the Gender Identity Research and Education Society (GIRES 2006), appeared to base its support of transsexual treatment and rights largely on the studies and their alleged implication that “transsexualism is a neuro-developmental condition of the brain. ” Several of the signatories of this statement are distinguished researchers. The transsexual brain studies have also received considerable scientific attention. As of February 1, 2007, the study by Zhou et al. (1995) has been cited by 117 scholarly articles, and that of Kruijver et al. (2000) has been cited by 43 scholarly articles. In contrast, Blanchard’s three most highly cited autogynephilia-related studies (Blanchard 1985, 1989b; Blanchard, Clemmensen, and Steiner 1987) have each earned 38 such citations.
In our view, the influence of the transsexual brain studies is disproportionate compared with their scientific value to understanding the etiology of MtF transsexualism. Their relevance as support for the feminine essence narrative, as opposed to Blanchard’s theory, is extremely weak—indeed, it is arguably absent. There are several important limitations that prevent the brain studies from being relevant in this regard (Lawrence 2007b). The most critical problem is that neither study includes the necessary hormonal controls to exclude the possibility that the feminization of the BSTc in MtFs was due to hormone treatment, especially estrogen therapy, received for transsexualism. Recent research shows that the volume of the hypothalamus is highly dependent on such hormonal treatment, with smaller volumes associated with estrogenic treatment (Hulshoff Pol et al. 2006). We concur with Lawrence (2007b) that this is the most likely explanation of the Zhou et al. (1995) and Kruijver et al. (2000) findings. Certainly those findings should be regarded cautiously until a study has ruled out the concern regarding hormonal treatment.
Evidence from Sex-Reassigned Children. In principle, the feminine essence narrative and brain sex theory could be instantiated by selecting a normal girl, medically masculinizing her body, and rearing her as a boy from an early age. If anyone could be a female trapped in a male body, or have a female brain in a male body, it would be a female such as this. What we know about such cases suggests that they are similar to homosexual, and different from non-homosexual, MtF transsexuals. There have been a few rare cases of females born with virilized genitalia due to prenatal maternal use of a progestin, in which the attempt was made to rear them as boys. The second author of this article is one such case, and she has known two others personally. All three cases were quite similar in presentation to homosexual MtF transsexuals: noticeably feminine presentation and interests, early expression of dissatisfaction with the male role, and sexual interest in males. None of these cases had signs of autogynephilia, such as fetishistic cross-dressing. Finally, their decisions to transition were made on the basis of optimizing sexual and social functioning, rather than because of a deep conviction that they were women trapped in men’s bodies.
Blanchard’s Theory Versus the Feminine Essence Narrative
We believe that Blanchard’s theory of MtF transsexualism is far better supported, and far more likely to be true, than the feminine essence narrative and the associated brain-sex theory. It is based on far more data, with respect to the number of both studies and subjects; no published scientific data in the peer-reviewed literature contradict it; and other investigators in other countries have obtained similar findings (Smith et al. 2005). It also provides a plausible explanation for phenomena that are problematic for the feminine essence narrative (e. g. , fetishistic cross-dressing and lack of early femininity among non-homosexual transsexuals). Why, then, has Blanchard’s theory remained underappreciated, compared with the standard, feminine essence narrative? In the remainder of this section, we try to explain this. First, however, we wish to emphasize some important respects in which the two approaches to MtF transsexualism do not differ. Perhaps most importantly, both proponents of the feminine essence narrative and of Blanchard’s theory support the treatment of transsexuals by sex reassignment surgery. Indeed, Blanchard (2000) has been a consistent advocate of such treatment for both homosexual and autogynephilic transsexuals, as has one of the authors of this article (Bailey 2003).
In addition, proponents of both theories see the histories people tell of their lives as an important source of understanding. In a recent paper on autogynephilia, Blanchard (2005) quotes extensively from self-reports of people with autogynephilia, primarily from collections compiled by Lawrence (Lawrence 1999a, 1999b). We ourselves have learned much about diversity among MtF transsexuals from our own interactions with members of each type. We believe, however, that in this domain, as in others, people’s own narratives do not always correspond to the true reasons for their choices and behaviors. Finally, proponents of both theories recognize that MtF transsexuals are a diverse population who differ among themselves in many ways due to life circumstances and personal characteristics. Nonetheless,we maintain that those who promote the feminine essence narrative fail to acknowledge one important source of that diversity, the distinction between homosexual and autogynephilic MtF transsexuals.
Denial of Autogynephilia. Few non-homosexual transsexuals publicly identify as autogynephilic, and most neither admit a history of sexual arousal to the idea of being a woman, nor accept that such arousal was a motivating factor for their transsexualism. Indeed, although most public transsexual activists appear by their histories and presentations to be non-homosexual MtF transsexuals, they have generally been hostile toward the idea that non-homosexual transsexualism is associated with, and motivated by, autogynephilia. Prominent MtF transsexuals and transgenders who have expressed outrage at the theory include Becky Allison (1998), Christine Burns (2004), Lynn Conway (2006), Andrea James (2006), Deirdre McCloskey (2003), Nancy Nangeroni (Grubb 2004), and Joan Roughgarden (2003). The most visible exception has been Anne Lawrence, a physician, researcher, and psychotherapist, who both identifies as autogynephilic and has done most of the recently published research on autogynephilia. Willow Arune (2004) is another exception.
There are a number of reasons why autogynephilic individuals may prefer the feminine essence narrative as an account of their condition, even if autogynephilia is in fact the driving force. These include the concern (pre-transition) that clinicians will deem them unacceptable for sex reassignment if their transsexualism is erotically motivated, or that people will consider them sexually deviant (Bailey 2003; Lawrence 2004). Because autogynephilia produces a strong desire to imagine oneself as a woman, the feminine essence narrative is intrinsically appealing to autogynephilic individuals, even if it is implausible. In contrast, an explanation based on autogynephilia may be experienced as a narcissistic injury.
Transsexuals who have successfully accomplished the MtF transition sometimes see themselves as mentors to younger people attempting or considering this path. They may feel that public acceptance of the feminine essence narrative will facilitate the transition for these younger individuals. For example, parents may be more accepting of a child whom they think of as a female unfortunately born with a male’s body than of one whom they think of as a male erotically aroused by the idea of being female. Finally, as Lawrence (2007a) notes, postoperative transsexuals whose desire and attachment to being women persists as their sex drive diminishes with age may come to doubt that this desire has anything to do with eroticism. She also explains how this pattern is explicable via autogynephilia.
Attempts to Intimidate Proponents of Blanchard’s Theory. Beyond denying the role of autogynephilia in MtF transsexualism, some transsexual activists have mounted attacks on those who publicly disagree with them. In 2003, the first author published a book, The Man Who Would Be Queen, about male femininity, including MtF transsexualism. The section on transsexualism included summaries of Blanchard’s theory illustrated by transsexual women of both types whom he had met, and who agreed to let their stories be included. Upon publication, there was a firestorm of controversy among some MtF transsexuals.
Most notably, the transsexual activists Lynn Conway (2006) and Andrea James (2006) led an internet “investigation” into the publication of the book. Conway (2004) likened the book to “Nazi propaganda” and said that it was “transsexual women’s worst nightmare. ” As a result of Conway’s and James’s efforts, a number of very public academic, personal, and professional accusations were made against the first author. None of these accusations was true (Bailey 2005). (For an historical investigation into the controversy surrounding The Man Who Would Be Queen, including a description of the substance and the merits of the accusations, see Dreger 2007. ) The attacks on The Man Who Would Be Queen were precisely an attempt to punish the author for writing approvingly about Blanchard’s ideas, and to intimidate others from doing so.
The second author was also attacked by some of the same transsexuals after she helped create the Website transkids. us. This website was created by a group of homosexual transsexuals, or “transkids,” their nonclinical name for themselves, to educate the clinical and research communities in the wake of the controversy regarding The Man Who Would Be Queen. The writings on the site both endorsed Blanchard’s distinction between homosexual and autogynephilic MtF transsexuals and criticized the standard feminine essence narrative as being both false and harmful to homosexual MtF transsexuals. Subsequently, Andrea James (2007) conducted highly personal attacks on individual transkids (including the second author), urging that these transkids be exposed and asserting that they were “fakes” because they would not reveal their identities publicly.
How Denial of Autogynephilia Can Be Harmful
We believe that advocacy for the standard feminine essence narrative, and against Blanchard’s theory, is primarily conducted by, or at least on behalf of, non-homosexual transsexuals who incorrectly deny their autogynephilia. We have outlined why some autogynephilic transsexuals might want to deny that they are autogynephilic, and why they might strongly prefer the standard (but false) feminine essence narrative. Those who advocate on behalf of autogynephilic transsexuals in denial include many gender clinicians; their motives may include their unwillingness to disbelieve or displease their patients and their greater comfort with the idea of facilitating sex reassignment for reasons related to gender than to eroticism (Lawrence 1998). Some clinicians may also think that belief in the feminine essence narrative may be beneficial for their patients’ psychological health and social interactions, even if it does not correspond to the true etiology of their desire for sex reassignment. Nevertheless, there are both scientific and human costs to colluding with autogynephilies in denial by propping up the feminine essence narrative as an explanation for all MtF transsexualism.
Impeding Scientific Progress. Obviously, the extreme, highly personal attacks on those who agree with Blanchard’s theory of transsexualism are likely to deter people from researching, agreeing with, or publicizing the theory. That is, indeed, the intended function of the attacks. Most theories can benefit by scientific criticism, but the attacks on The Man Who Would Be Queen and its author by transgender activists were not scientific criticism. We have argued that Blanchard’s “two types” theory has greater explanatory value than the feminine essence narrative and the associated brain-sex theory. Whether or not we are right, deciding between the two views via political pressure cannot be the right way to advance science. The scientific costs of this pressure include embracing a less plausible theory and failure to advance the better theory. For example, it is possible that some transsexuals’ resistance to the current theory is due to its incompleteness, which prevents it from explaining their inner experiences to their satisfaction (Lawrence 2007a). Progress toward a more complete theory is impeded by the kinds of pressure we have described, but it would be facilitated by thoughtful criticism.
Harm to Homosexual Transsexuals. Clinicians who work with transgender patients and who believe in the feminine essence narrative of MtF transsexualism sometimes take a similar approach to both homosexual and non-homosexual MtF transsexuals. For example, the second author knows transkids whose therapists have offered them, and their families, readings by and about non-homosexual transsexuals (e. g. , She’s Not There, by Jennifer Boylan  and Conundrum by Jan Morris ). The narratives in these readings did not even approximate the transkids’ lives, and the therapists’ assumptions that they did had a highly negative effect on the transkids’ attitudes toward therapy. Inevitably, they dropped out early.
Homosexual and non-homosexual MtF transsexuals have different life issues and goals, and the persistence of the belief that they are similar prevents development of clinical interventions likely to benefit the homosexual subtype. Velasquez (2004) has argued that there is a lack of meaningful therapy for young homosexual transsexuals like herself, and that this is because transkids are not recognized as a subtype distinct from non-homosexual transsexuals. The denial of autogynephilia helps make this possible.
Harm to Autogynephilic Male-to-Female Transsexuals. There are also substantial human costs to autogynephilic transsexuals due to insistence on the false, feminine essence narrative. We consider two groups whom we believe are harmed by embracing the false narrative at the expense of Blanchard’s categorical theory: autogynephiles not in denial, and autogynephiles in denial.
Although few non-homosexual MtF transsexuals publicly identify as autogynephilic, many more do so privately. Of the e-mail correspondence the first author received regarding The Man Who Would Be Queen, about a third was from individuals who understood themselves to be autogynephilic. Some of these individuals said that reading about Blanchard’s theory in the book had been revelatory and that they understood themselves for the first time, and all of them were happy that autogynephilia was being discussed openly. Even before the controversy concerning the book, transsexuals sympathetic to Blanchard’s ideas have found themselves unwelcome in transsexual forums (e. g. , online forums discussing transgender issues). Typically, any endorsement of Blanchard’s theory, or admission of significant autogynephilic motivation, is met with hostility. This hostility appears to emanate primarily from individuals who fit the profile of autogynephiles in denial. The extreme stigmatization of the (true) idea of autogynephilia harms autogynephiles not in denial in obvious ways. It makes it much less likely that they can find resources that help them understand themselves, forces them into the closet, invalidates their self-concepts, and heightens feelings of shame.
Although autogynephiles in denial prefer the standard feminine essence narrative, this does not necessarily mean that wide acceptance of that narrative is in their best interests. In general, it seems likely that the best clinical and personal decisions are made on the basis of accurate conceptualizations. For example, we have noticed that some transsexuals we would classify as autogynephilic have chosen to pursue sex reassignment surgery after being diagnosed as “transsexual” rather than “transvestite,” a diagnostic moment they often recount with a sense of relief. Currently, in the psychiatric nomenclature, the official name for transsexualism is gender identity disorder, highlighting the centrality of gender identity, consistent with the feminine essence narrative (American Psychiatric Association 2000). However, the differential diagnosis between transsexualism (gender identity disorder) and transvestism (“transvestic fetishism” in the DSM) is not clearly meaningful. Both non-homosexual transsexuals and transvestites are motivated by autogynephilia; many (perhaps most) non-homosexual transsexuals were transvestites prior to transitioning; and most importantly, the main difference between the two conditions is that transsexuals, but not transvestites, decide to take steps to achieve women’s bodies. As we have noted, the precise nature of one’s autogynephilic fantasies is a key factor in this decision. It seems detrimental to us that what should be an explicit cost-benefit decision, with important consequences to the lives of autogynephilic patients and their families, might be unduly influenced by a differential diagnosis of questionable validity.
It is unfortunate that the public face of MtF transsexualism is so different from reality. The controversy concerning The Man Who Would Be Queen has raised awareness of Blanchard’s ideas within the transgender community, but it has not yet encouraged open-mindedness to those ideas. Those who value scientific truth and the well-being of transsexuals are advised to do better.
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